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In 1975, private and social housing production in Chile started to become increasingly privatized, in parallel with capital switching into the secondary circuit due to severe deindustrialization of the country. Since then, housing demand has largely drawn on state housing subsidies aimed at middle- to low-income demand, but more recently, a growing financialized mortgage market has increased demand even further, enlarging the mortgage debt burden on Chilean households. Private housing producers achieve higher profits by increasing sales prices, whilst production costs are kept relatively stable by purchasing and developing the cheapest land available, both on the fringes and within the inner sectors of the main metropolitan areas, as a form of accumulation by dispossession in hitherto underexploited, non-commodified land. However, low purchase prices of land create housing unaffordability for numbers of original owner-residents who sell land to redevelopers but cannot then afford replacement accommodation given the soaring housing prices in the main metropolises. It is for this reason that some central areas become gentrified. Focusing on the case of high-rise redevelopment of inner-city areas in Santiago, Chile, this paper addresses the extent to which demand and private developers’ profits increase alongside the risks of a generalized growing level of household debt and the displacement of low-income communities from inner areas. The continuous expansion of the extremely privatized housing market of Santiago responds to the needs of capital expansion rather than to the people’s needs.

Sustainable transport is often defined according to energy efficiency and environmental impacts. With global approval during Habitat III, however, a set of Sustainable Development Goals have become the focus for human development until 2030, underlining the relevance of health, equity and other social issues.

These goals raise the challenge of achieving significant progress towards ‘transport justice’ in diverse societies and contexts. While exclusion occurs for different reasons, discrimination, based on cultural roles, combines with sexual harassment and other mobility barriers to limit women’s mobility. This makes gender an area of particular interest and potential insight for considering equity within sustainability and its social components.

Using data from Metropolitan Santiago to ground a conceptual exploration, this chapter examines the equity implications of women’s travel patterns and sustainable transport. Key findings underline the importance of considering non-work trip purposes and achieving better land-use combinations to accommodate care-oriented trips. Moreover, barriers linked to unsafe public transport environments limit women’s mobility and, therefore, their participation. Women account for a disproportionately high number of walking trips, a situation that can be interpreted as ‘greater sustainability’ in terms of energy use and emissions, but suggests significant inequalities in access. Environmental and economic sustainability gains may be achieved at a high social cost, unless specific measures are taken.

Pilgrimage is a special form of conscious travel – maybe even the most conscious one – and therefore, awareness is one part thereof. As a result of this quality, which is gaining importance in Western society, pilgrimage is currently experiencing a renaissance (but not just for religious or spiritual reasons). No other pilgrimage route can be compared to the Camino to Santiago de Compostela in terms of numbers of pilgrims, popularity and fascination, and with around half a million pilgrims, the city broke its record again in 2022. The focus of this essay is the following question: is there a ‘Destination Conscience’ in relation to the Camino, and if so, who creates and uses it, and does it change over time? In terms of methodology, existing scientific studies are re-analysed and the results of field studies by RWTH Aachen University evaluated, in order to examine the contributions made by various stakeholders (travellers, local population, tourism providers, institutions, etc.) to the development of a possible ‘Destination Conscience’ pilgrimage. Through personal interactions and cultural exchange, they develop common values and a common awareness. On the other hand, these different expectations and changing perspectives also lead to conflicts and misunderstandings. The example of the Camino shows that ‘Destination Conscience’ is not a state but a process, and change is an essential part of this quality.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the daily rhythms of eating, namely, the times at which food intake occurs during a day-long period, in Santiago, Chile.

The data used in this research come from a first time-use survey applied in Santiago in 2007 and 2008, which works with a retrospective activity journal to document the amount of time dedicated to different activities during the 24 hours of the previous day. Descriptive analysis and multinomial regressions were performed on a sample size of 2,282 cases, corresponding to those individuals over the age of 12 who responded to the daily activity prompt in full.

This study shows that people in Santiago tend to eat according to the same timetables (morning, midday and evening) and that socio-demographic variables have limited influence on the synchronization of this intake between Monday and Friday.

The data did not allow for the exploration of the duration of food intake, commensality and its variation over time.

These data reveal that, for Santiago residents, eating is far from becoming de-structured towards a mode of constant grazing throughout the day, contradicting the thesis of alimentary modernity.

These results yield evidence that calls into question the applicability of the thesis of alimentary modernity within a Latin American context, which has not before been subject to investigation.

Emerging Markets.

Undergraduate, Masters.

Pacari Chocolate is the flagship brand of SKS Farms CIA Ltda., located in Quito, Ecuador. The company specializes in organic chocolate production which it sells in Ecuador and exports to other Latin American, European and North American markets. The company began operation in 2002, founded by Carla Barbotó and her husband Santiago Peralta. Carla is the Director of SKS and Santiago is General Manager. The case is set just after Santiago negotiated a deal to supply Emirates Airlines with mini bars to be distributed to flight passengers. Santiago is excited about this new deal, which will provide a new revenue stream, enhance brand image and potentially create new customers. Carla and Santiago pursue excellence with their products, as evidenced by over 160 awards, many globally recognized. However, their mission is also very much social in that they seek to improve the lives of Andean farmers, indigenous peoples and broader Ecuadorean society. The principle author uses this case in a course on innovative approaches to engaging emerging market opportunities, in which shared (social + economic) value and the formation of strong national industries are key outcomes, to be addressed through complementary market and non-market entrepreneurship strategies.

Expected learning outcomes are as follows: to identify the contextual challenges faced by an emerging market firm, and explain what must be done to overcome them; to identify the role of a firm in developing a national competency in an agricultural product industry; to demonstrate the creation of “shared value” and examine how the social mission of a company can reinforce and sustain its economic value creating activities; and to generate and evaluate options for developing international markets when a firm has limited resources to invest in marketing activities.

Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

CSS 3: Entrepreneurship.

Within Santiago, Chile's capital city, Barrio is a fundamental urban concept: an identity of place that defines a social space more than the territorial boundary of a designated area. Nearly 30 years of sustained, economic growth have positioned Chile, and Santiago with 40% of the country's population, as a tourist, financial and investment centre for South America. After a general decline of the inner-city area during the time of dictatorship (1973-1990), three inner-city residential barrios are being re-defined by their social and urban heritage as part of the “coolest” city of South America. These residential barrios possess the social characteristics of an urban unit within the concept of an ethical city—autonomy, conviviality, connectivity and diversity—and, in form and use, the basis of urban cultural tourism, a living heritage of residential architecture, public space and urban culture. The spatial and economic transformation of these barrios shifts the existing dynamic between the residents' social capital and the barrios' symbolic capital to the question of whose rights and interest should prevail. Through a literature review, policy review and an analysis of morphology and land use of three barrios, this article draws lessons to assist a re-thinking of the development of this urban, social-spatial unit of Chilean cities.

The article offers a study of the central food marketplace in Santiago, Dominican Republic. The purpose of the study is to explore how changes in the marketplace reflect transformation of urban food systems resulting from neoliberal restructuring during the final decades of the twentieth century.

Drawing on long-term qualitative research conducted during the late 1990s and early 2000s, including ethnographic and survey methods, the article illustrates how central urban marketplaces offer a window into transitions in both international and domestic food economies.

Research findings illustrate that the marketplace in Santiago operated in a state of economic hybridity, intermixing long established regionally produced domestic crops such as yuca, plantains and pigeon peas deeply rooted in Dominican agrarian culture with products dervived from liberalization of the Dominican economy such as imported rice, beans and eventually numerous Dominican food staples.

The study is limited by the scope of analysis which is one urban marketplace. More sites for researching marketplaces could be added for more comparative analysis.

The research findings have implications for how governments define social and economic policy that impacts domestic food producers and intermediary brokers that aggregate and debulk food to feed cities.

The scholarship raises questions about how the social and economic organization of urban marketplaces in the Dominican Republic and elsewhere reflect historical transitions in local, national and global economies.

In this chapter, I focus on stigmatization exercised and experienced by local residents, comparing two socially-diverse areas in very different contexts: the Cabrini Green-Near North area in Chicago and the La Loma-La Florida area in Santiago de Chile.

Data for this study were drawn from 1 year of qualitative research, using interviews with residents and institutional actors, field notes from observation sessions of several inter-group spaces, and “spatial inventories” in which I located the traces of the symbolic presence of each group.

Despite contextual differences of type of social differentiation, type of social mix, type of housing tenure for the poor, and public visibility, I argue that there are important common problems: first, symbolic differences are stressed by identity changes; second, distrust against “the other” is spatially crystallized in any type and scale of social housing; third, stigmatization changes in form and scale; and fourth, there are persisting prejudiced depictions and patterns of avoidance.

Socially-mixed neighborhoods, as areas where at least two different social groups live in proximity, offer an interesting context for observing territorial stigmatization. They are strange creatures of urban development, due to the powerful symbolism of desegregation in contexts of growing inequalities.

The chapter contributes to a cross-national perspective with a comparison of global-north and global-south cities. And it also springs from a study of socially-mixed areas, in which the debate on concentrated/deconcentrated poverty is central, and in which the problem of “clearing places” appears in both material (e.g., displacement) and symbolic (e.g., stigmatization) terms.

Purpose – Departure time choice not only depends on the desire to carry out activities at certain times and places; it is a complex decision making process influenced by travel conditions, congestion levels, activity schedules, and external trip factors. To estimate departure time choice models capturing the factors influencing it in appropriate form, a complex data collection procedure allowing to obtain detailed input data from different sources and at different time periods is required.

The main aim of this chapter is to describe and discuss the survey methodology we used in a time-of-day choice project, involving the collection of revealed preference (RP) and stated preference (SP) data to estimate hybrid discrete departure time choice models incorporating latent variables. Preliminary model results are also presented as an example.

Methodology/approach – Data was obtained from 405 workers at different private and public institutions located in the centre of Santiago, Chile. The survey process had three different stages and used various collection methods (e-mail, web-page, and personal interviews at the workplace) in order to satisfy efficiency, reliability and cost criteria.

The RP component survey design was based on the last origin-destination survey implemented in Santiago (i.e. a travel diary filled under an activity recall framework). Relevant level-of-service measures at different time periods were obtained from GPS data measured from instrumented vehicles in the public and private transport networks. A SP-off-RP optimal design considering dependence among attribute levels was also developed. Finally, several 1–7 Likert scale questions were included to incorporate the latent variables.

Findings – The survey methodology described in this chapter represents a successful experience in terms of collecting high quality data, from different sources, with the aim of estimating appropriate time-of-day choice models. The data collection process was carried out in different stages, by means of web pages, email, and personal interviews. The data was further enriched with level-of-service attributes measured at different times of the day with unusual precision. Preliminary results reported in this chapter show that data obtained through this methodology are appropriate to model time-of-day choices.

Originality/value of chapter – The novelty of the survey methodology described in this chapter is the collection of data of a different nature for time-of-day choice modelling through the integration of different collection techniques.

Acquisition of very precise information about preferred departure/arrival times, level of service at different times of the day, detailed information about flexibility in schedules, employment information and attitudes towards departure times, should allow practitioners to estimate hybrid time-of-day choice models incorporating latent variables.