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Recent years have produced significant demand for geographical contributions to the study of social movements in general and of environmental social movement organizations (ESMOs) in particular. Geographical approaches to the study of ESMOs emphasize “the mediation of social movement agency by place” (Miller, 2000; Routledge, 1993) and call attention to the role of place-based environmental knowledge (EK) in the broader “struggle(s) over meaning” that increasingly constitute environmental politics (Buechler, 1997; Escobar, 1992; Rangan, 2000; Watts, 1990). My chapter responds to this call by providing an examination of the reproduction of EK by antipollution organizations in India’s central Ganges River Basin (GRB). Through interviews with organization leaders and members, along with analysis of organizational websites and publications, I examine the EK of two key antipollution organizations in the GRB: The Sankat Mochan Foundation (SMF) and Kanpur Eco-Friends (KEF). Analysis focuses on methods of knowledge reproduction employed by each organization, their respective framing practices, and the localized natures of the EK they reproduce. I argue that each organization works to reproduce a specific and place-based understanding of pollution in the GRB that informs their framing of the pollution problem, the tactical activities in which their members engage, and the power relations that exist between the two organizations and their leaders. Further, I argue that engaging with EK as both a method of understanding pollution and a tactic for consolidating political power is essential to making sense of the relative success of these movement organizations and the challenges they face in trying to build a broader coalition and mass-mobilization against pollution in the Ganges.

The rejuvenation of waterways, including rivers and canals as well as riverbanks, has led to an almost explosive increase in the touristic colonization of these fluvial landscapes. In Europe, navigable rivers once used to transport freight have undergone a tourism inspired renaissance as river cruise routes. A similar renaissance has occurred in many of Europe's canal systems. This paper identifies four key elements that form the core of waterway tourism: the structural elements of waterways; the on-land experience; the on-water experience, and; the onboard experience. Structural elements include waterway capacity and use profile, the on-land experience refers to the use of riverbanks for recreation and tourism, the on-water experience refers to activities including swimming, fishing and recreational boating and, the onboard experience refers to the lived experiences of passengers on overnight waterway cruising. The discussion in this paper addresses two research issues related to the core elements of waterway tourism, testing of the canal lifecycle model and exploration of the lived experiences of river cruising in Europe.

Given that the European Water Framework Directive (WFD) calls for the management of water resources at the river basin level, the German water sector, which has historically been dominated by the federal states and has been organized along administrative borders, is now challenged to be reorganized. The article introduces the German water sector, reviews past experiences with river basin management such as North Rhine–Westphalia's water associations, the river basin organizations of the former German Democratic Republic, and international river commissions, and addresses current challenges in connection with the implementation of WFD.

The historian Patrick Wolfe reminds us that the settler colonial logic of eliminating native societies to gain unrestricted access to their territory is not a phenomenon confined to the distant past. As Wolfe (2006, p. 388) writes, “settler colonizers come to stay: invasion is a structure not an event.” In the Gulf of Carpentaria region in Australia’s Northern Territory this settler colonial “logic of elimination” continues through mining projects that extract capital for transnational corporations while contaminating Indigenous land, overriding Indigenous law and custom and undermining Indigenous livelihoods. However, some Garawa, Gudanji, Marra, and Yanyuwa peoples are using creative ways to fight back, exhibiting “story paintings” to show how their people experience the destructive impacts of mining. We cannot know yet the full impact of this creative activism. But their body of work suggests it has the potential to challenge colonial institutions from below, inspiring growing networks of resistance and a collective meaning-making through storytelling that is led by Indigenous peoples on behalf of the living world.

This is a modified version of the 2022 George Herbert Mead Lecture that I delivered at the Annual Meeting of the National Communications Association in New Orleans, LA. Drawing upon ethnographic research with Mississippi River pilots, I outline the strengths and weaknesses of Mead's conceptualization of “mind” as a means to develop the “great cooperative community” he envisioned. I argue that although we possess the cognitive capacity to take the attitude of a multitude of others, even during complex and evolving scenarios, there are also material incentives for some groups to impede the emergence of the mind via the construction of “closed-networks.” I identify one example of a closed-network – professional associations – to demonstrate how and why they attempt to prevent outsiders from role-taking with members of their group. Although the persistence of closed networks hampers Mead's vision of a more co-operative society, it is only by understanding the origins of such barriers to mind that we can address the root causes of their construction.

The Indus, Mekong, and Ganges River deltas, which have created one of the world’s largest delta and submarine fan system, currently contribute a major fraction of freshwater to East and South Asia. All these deltas are those regions in the world that face major challenges in their water sector due to population growth, urbanization, industrialization, sea-level rise, and salinity intrusion into inland and water bodies, all aggravated by climate change. Among them, salinity intrusion is currently one of the key issues that directly and indirectly cause water insecurity in East and South Asia, which ultimately hamper livelihood, agricultural production, and social interference. Hence, this chapter gives a comprehensive description on the nature and extent of the salinity problem, its adverse effects on livelihood and water sector, and then the focus goes to current and future sustainable water resource management within the delta to finally move on to conclusion and suggestions.

Governor Robert F. Casey made his first state visit to Homestead, Pennsylvania the day after his inauguration in January 1987 to announce a package of plans for restoring economic vitality to metropolitan Pittsburgh in the wake of steel's collapse. Earlier urban renewal had involved large-scale demolition of older downtowns for conversion to commercial and industrial use, but state and local officials now emphasized a two-pronged redevelopment approach largely modeled on the success of the postwar suburbs. The closure of the Monongahela River (Mon) Valley's mammoth steel mills opened large swaths of land and prompted calls for planned riverfront manufacturing and retail districts similar to those sites sprouting up at suburban interchanges. A second and related effort involved schemes to build new highways tying aging communities in the river valleys to both Pittsburgh and new suburban growth areas, such as the sprawling “edge city” of Monroeville less than 10miles away. Indeed, Casey had a special project in mind for revitalizing the iconic Homestead – construction of the long-delayed Mon/Fayette Expressway that would parallel the river south of Pittsburgh. “This is another big step [to] help bring businesses and jobs into the region,” the governor later declared. “No longer is this valley a forgotten valley” (as cited in Basescu, 1989, p. 1).

Rivers flowing through the land are a source of life. They have different importance and functions such as for drinking, sailing, irrigating crops, generating electricity, sightseeing, fishing, and so on. In addition, animals like amphibians, birds, and mammals also live and propagate near the river environment. Therefore, rivers are ecosystems for some animals and plants that are special, rare, or on the brink of extinction (Water Resources Agency, Ministry of Economic Affairs, 2006).

Climate change is expected to alter the major components of hydrological regime such as streamflow and water availability. The magnitude and their impacts are still uncertain. Therefore, it is highly required to study streamflow and flood vulnerability in tropical river basins particularly urbanised basin such as Langat River Basin. This study aims to model the future streamflow of Langat River Basin due to climate change using Rainfall-Runoff Inundation (RRI) model. Daily rainfall data obtained from Department of Irrigation and Drainage Malaysia and topographic data from HydroSHEDS at 15-second resolution were used. The projected future rainfall (2075–2099) is extracted from MRI-AGCM3.2s under the worst carbon emission scenario, RCP8.5. The annual maximum series of 1-day rainfall is selected for statistical bias correction using Quantile Mapping. The General Circulation Model data were found to be greatly corrected with reasonable Nash–Sutcliffe efficiency, Percent bias and Root Mean Square Error values. The mean of maximum 1-day future rainfall in Langat River Basin is found to be inconsistent where parts of the upstream will experience an increment at about 7% while other parts decrease at 8%. Meanwhile, the rainfall at downstream area are expected to decrease at 40%. Based on RRI simulation, the future streamflow can achieve up to 92% increment.

In this chapter we will look at some of the consequences of a sequence of nuclear disasters that occurred in the Southern Ural region of Russia beginning in the 1940s. Drawing upon the historical record, we document the steady increase in radiological contamination that resulted from a combination of accidents and a nuclear naivete that took nearly 60 years to outgrow. We will then analyze the dynamics of response to this contamination and health catastrophe. We will look at the population's reaction over the years, as well as the government's policy, or lack thereof, toward containing pollution, improving safety management, and protecting the health and environmental rights of the region's citizens. We will also compare the coping mechanisms of two different Russian cultures – that under the Soviet regime and that after perestroika – as a young democracy. Finally, we will examine the effects of social movements and community action, issues of community conflict, and the phenomenon of ecodisaster tourism.¹