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The article compares the effect of European Union (EU)-Russian sanctions imposed in 2014 with the influence of fluctuating oil prices on Danish trade.

In this paper annual import and export trade data between Denmark and 152 countries from the period 2002–18 were computed in STATA/SE 16.1 using the Gravity model to evaluate the effect of economic sanctions and the price of oil.

Results showed that the impact from the fall of oil price exceeded the negative effect from sanctions on Danish export. Additionally, the analyses suggest that the fall in oil price had a negative effect on Danish import. Even so, Danish import significantly increased due to growth in supplies of energy resources from Russia.

This study explains the overlapping effects of EU-Russian sanctions and fluctuating oil prices on Danish trade. This methodology can be expanded to encompass multiple countries using the two-sided Gravity model.

The so-called “oil price war” of 2014-2016 took place between several main global oil producers; OPEC (led by Saudi Arabia), Russia and the newcomer; American tight oil or fracking oil. These oil producers were competing against each other over market shares in the global oil market, by maintaining their high oil production rates, even if this led to a decline in oil prices and a reduction in revenues from oil sales. As energy politics need more coverage in International Political Economy (IPE) theory, this paper aims to argue that Saudi Arabia's policies during the oil price war of 2014-2016 reflected a policy of neomercantilism, which is the IPE equivalent of the school of realism in International Relations (IR).

This paper tests for neomercantilism by testing three of its main definitional components. The first definitional component is that the state, as the political authority, intervenes in the economic decisions. The second component is the primacy of the state interests over business corporate profits, or the primacy of political and security considerations over short-term economic and corporate profit considerations. The third is the zero-sum or relative gains nature of dealings between states. Afterwards, this paper tests for neomercantilism in the Saudi policy by examining how each of these definitional components is reflected in the Saudi policy during the oil price war.

As energy politics need more coverage in International Political Economy (IPE) theory, this paper argues that Saudi Arabia's policies during the oil price war of 2014-2016 reflected a policy of neomercantilism, which is the IPE equivalent of the school of realism in International Relations (IR).

As energy politics need more coverage in International Political Economy (IPE) theory, this paper argues that Saudi Arabia's policies during the oil price war of 2014-2016 reflected a policy of neomercantilism, which is the IPE equivalent of the school of realism in International Relations (IR).

This study aims to investigate the response of green investments of emerging countries to own-market uncertainty, oil-market uncertainty and COVID-19 effect/geo-political risks (GPRs), using the tail risks of corresponding markets as measures of uncertainty.

This study employs Westerlund and Narayan (2015) (WN)-type distributed lag model that simultaneously accounts for persistence, endogeneity and conditional heteroscedasticity, within a single model framework. The tail risks are obtained using conditional standard deviation of the residuals from an asymmetric autoregressive moving average – ARMA(1,1) – generalized autoregressive conditional heteroscedasticity – GARCH(1,1) model framework with Gaussian innovation. For out-of-sample forecast evaluation, the study employs root mean square error (RMSE), and Clark and West (2007) (CW) test for pairwise comparison of nested models, under three forecast horizons; providing statistical justification for incorporating oil tail risks and COVID-19 effects or GPRs in the predictive model.

Green returns responds significantly to own-market uncertainty (mostly positively), oil-market uncertainty (mostly positively) as well as the COVID-19 effect (mostly negatively), with some evidence of hedging potential against uncertainties that are external to the green investments market. Also, incorporating external uncertainties improves the in-sample predictability and out-of-sample forecasts, and yields some economic gains.

This study contributes originally to the green market-uncertainty literature in four ways. First, it generates daily tail risks (a more realistic measure of uncertainty) for emerging countries’ green returns and global oil prices. Second, it employs WN-type distributed lag model that is well suited to account for conditional heteroscedasticity, endogeneity and persistence effects; which characterizes financial series. Third, it presents both in-sample predictability and out-of-sample forecast performances. Fourth, it provides the economic gains of incorporating own-market, oil-market and COVID-19 uncertainty.

The purpose of this paper is to develop an integrated theoretical framework for energy security concept and to shed light on the policies and strategies applied by the European Union countries to confront the challenges that faces them.

The research paper uses Regional Security complexes theory, which mainly developed in Copenhagen school for security studies, that founded by Barry Buzan. This school tried to clarify the untraditional security aspects, through expanding its scope by adding new dimensions than military perspective.

Despite the consolidated efforts exerted by the European Union to assure safe levels of energy security, and their continuous pursuit to be liberated from Russian energy over dependence, but the results are still limited.

The value of this research paper stems from the fact that it encompass the theoretical aspect by shedding light on all the developments occurred to energy security concept, in addition to the Empirical side, by analyzing various European energy security challenges and their confrontation strategies.

This study aims to examine the impact of the beginning of the Russia–Ukraine war and the Wagner Group’s attempted military coup against Putin’s regime on the European defense sector, consisting of weapons manufacturers.

The authors use the event study methodology to quantify the impact. That is, the authors assume that markets are efficient, and abnormal stock returns around the event dates capture the magnitudes of the impacts of the two events studied on European defense sector companies. The authors use the capital asset pricing model and two different multifactor models to estimate expected stock returns, which serve as the benchmark necessary to obtain abnormal returns.

The start of the war on February 24, 2022, when the Russian forces invaded Ukraine, was followed by high positive abnormal returns of up to 12% in the next few days. The results are particularly strong if multiple factors are used to control for the risk of the defense stocks. Conversely, the authors find a negative impact of the rebellion initiated by the mercenary Wagner Group’s chief, Yevgeny Prigozhin, on June 23, 2023, on the abnormal returns of defense industry stocks on the first trading day after the event.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study of the impact of the Russia–Ukraine war on the defense sector. Furthermore, this is the first study to measure the financial implications of the military coup initiated by the Wagner Group. The findings contribute to a rapidly growing literature on the financial implications of military conflicts around the world.

Since 1988 Russia and Korea have been developing bilateral economic relations. After the conclusion of, the first trade agreement, Korea has become one of the largest trading and investment partners of the Russian Far East. Annually, Korea has increased trade and investment flows to the Russian Far East, a region with high growth potential. By the 2000s Korea has become the Russian Far East’s third largest trading partner. This article considers trade and investment flows from the 1990s to the present, analyses the prospects of achieving goals, and the problems of developing further bilateral cooperation between Russia and Korea.

Energy is a driving force of economic development in the modern world, while as a commodity group it holds the greatest share of the world seaborne trade. Oil, natural gas and coal are the three most important sources of energy for the European Union which, as a bloc, represents 17% of the total energy consumption. The aim of the present paper is to explore the economics and trade issues of these three major energy commodities and investigate the role of the maritime transport in the energy trade within the context of the EU-25. A number of factors are considered in order to discuss contemporary opportunities and challenges that arise in this context for the shipping business. The examination reveals the critical dependence of EU-25 energy supply on seaborne trade and the considerable reliance of the maritime transport on such commodities for the generation of shipping business within the realms of the EU-25. Among the parameters regarded as conducive to the demand of shipping services in the context of the EU energy trade are the energy demand factor, the import dependency factor, the cost effective production element, and seaborne trade related parameters while consideration is also given to environmental issues.

I study the economic implications of the world oil market dominated by OPEC and non-OPEC major oil producing countries using a general equilibrium model of trilateral trade with oil duopoly. There are three countries and three goods, x, y, and oil (z). Home (H) is endowed with good x . Foreign (F) is endowed with good y and also produces oil (z). Middle (M) is an oil producing country and supplies oil only. I consider two types of oil market structure; (1) Cournot duopoly and (2) perfect competition. I find that Foreign is actually worse off under Cournot duopoly despite being a duopolist for wide range of parameter values that reflect real world situations. This is mainly due to reduced consumption of oil and reduced value of good y endowment under duopoly when Foreign is a net oil exporter or oil autarky, and is also due to worsening terms-of-trade effect under duopoly when Foreign is a net oil importer. Welfare reversal with higher welfare of Foreign under oil duopoly occurs only under highly unrealistic parameter values, and hence the main results of the study remain robust.

The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and stock prices during the period from March 2003 to March 2021.

The study uses asymmetric and symmetric frequency domain causality tests and focuses on BRIC countries, namely, Brazil, Russia, India and China.

The findings of the symmetric causality test confirm unidirectional permanent causality from EPU to stock prices for Brazil and India and bidirectional causality for China. However, according to the asymmetric causality test, the findings for China show that there is no causality between the variables. The results for Brazil and India indicate that there is unidirectional permanent causality from positive components of EPU to positive components of stock prices. Moreover, for Brazil, there is unidirectional temporary causality from the negative components of EPU to the negative components of stock prices. For India, there is temporary causality in the opposite direction.

The reactions of financial markets to positive and negative shocks differ. In this context, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is the first attempt to examine the causal relationships between stock prices and uncertainty using an asymmetric frequency domain approach. Thus, the study enables the analysis of the effects of positive and negative shocks in the stock market separately.

Over the last decade, investments in green energy companies have witnessed noticeable growth rates. However, the glacial pace of the world economic restoration due to COVID-19 pandemic placed a high degree of uncertainty over this market. Therefore, this study investigates the short- and long-term relationships between COVID-19 new cases and WilderHill New Energy Global Innovation Index (NEX) using daily data over the period from January 23, 2020 to February 1, 2023.

The authors utilize an autoregressive distributed lag bounds testing estimation technique.

The results show a significant positive impact of COVID-19 new cases on the returns of NEX index in the short run, whereas it has a significant negative impact in the long run. It is also found that the S&P Global Clean Energy Index has a significant positive impact on the returns of NEX index. Although oil has an influential effect on stock returns, the results show insignificant impact.

Governments have the chance to flip this trend by including investment in green energy in their economic growth stimulation policies. Governments should highlight the fundamental advantages of investing in this type of energy such as creating job vacancies while reducing emissions and promoting innovation.

First, as far as the authors are aware, the authors are the first to examine the effect of oil prices on clean energy stocks during COVID-19. Second, the authors contribute to studies on the relationship between oil prices and renewable energy. Third, the authors add to the emerging strand of literature on the impact of COVID-19 on various sectors of the economy. Fourth, the findings of the paper can add to the growing literature on sustainable development goals, in specific the papers related to energy sustainability.