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Japan’s civic environmentalism combines a tradition of local protest and activism with a national environmental movement that is limited in size and policy influence. A strong legislative and administrative response to the country’s severe pollution crisis of the 1960s and 1970s helped tamp down that era’s wave of protests and keep the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in power. While the state has generally supported local organizations engaged in environmental improvement activities, it has erected barriers that limit the scope of non-governmental organization (NGO) activities and inhibit the development of an influential national environmental movement. The 1990s reforms, inspired in part by the citizen response to the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake, made it easier for NGOs to attain legal status and raise funds. Yet Japan’s civic environmentalism – by most measures – still lags well behind that of peer industrialized countries. The 2011 tsunami and nuclear crisis brought another opportunity for major reforms to the nation’s civic environmental culture – but the evidence to date indicates that the much anticipated transformation is turning out to be of a lesser magnitude than many had initially expected.

The purpose of this paper is to examine developments in Japan with regard to protected-area management. The focus is on ecological protection, citizen engagement, and the traditional users of the Shirakami Sanchi World Heritage Area.

The study is based on an extensive review of literature, interviews with key actors, and field observations.

This study of Shirakami Sanchi World Heritage Area, an area of ancient beech forest in northern Japan whose ecological integrity was threatened by construction of a forest road in the 1980s, points to a successful case of ecological preservation and an expanded governmental commitment to citizen engagement in protected-area planning, accompanied by a marginalization of the small number of remaining traditional users of the forest’s resources.

This study points to the challenges inherent in balancing civic engagement, ecological protection, cultural heritage, and administrative expediency in protected-areas management. The findings are directed toward researchers engaged with issues surrounding management of parks and protected areas.

Park and protected-areas managers can learn from this experience about balancing ecosystem protection, civic engagement, inclusion of traditional users, and administrative optimization in planning and management of protected areas.

The field elements of the study are original contributions. The paper will be of value to scholars and practitioners involved with protected-area management.

This paper aims to develop a framework that rationalises transport flexibility into different types. In this way the role of the flexibility types in delivering specific strategic logistics outcomes can be determined.

The authors undertake a synthesis of available literature related to flexibility to determine what types of transport flexibility are required and when.

Twelve definitions and key components of transport flexibility are identified. These signify a proactive approach to the consideration of the subject within the context of a collaborative approach to relationships between carrier, supplier and customer.

This is a conceptual study developing definitions and models for transport flexibility. While these frameworks have been formed within the context of the literature, further research to determine the application of the model will need to be undertaken, to examine the benefits and costs associated with various degrees of flexibility.

While the definitions and models are conceptual, they are important as generic templates by which carriers may develop a logistics strategy, determining their competitive offering and hence defining their flexibility capabilities. They may then determine the degree of collaboration necessary. The results of this paper also inform further empirical research into the area of transport and logistics flexibility.

There is little research that addresses the issue of transport flexibility from a logistics perspective. Thus, there is originality in developing a framework that rationalises transport flexibility into different types. This will provide a foundation by which carriers and shippers may develop collaborative and information technology strategies.

Tribalism is at the forefront of public discussion across the political spectrum in America today. Zombie stories have also risen to unprecedented popularity. Amid present-day racial, political, and otherwise tribal tensions, the story I Am Legend has particular resonance. As the original inspiration behind the modern zombie trope, it was published as a novella in 1954 and has been remade as a film multiple times, in 1964, 1971, and 2007. Using grounded theory, I explore each film regarding what moral attitudes are portrayed concerning confrontation between rival milieus. My findings center on four themes: identification, compassion, ambivalence, and condemnation. Overall, in chronological order, the different renditions of the story exhibit decreasing compassion for the other and decreasing ambivalence about relations with the other. The most dramatic change is between the 1971 and 2007 remakes. Implications for what the changes in the morals presented in the story might reflect in terms of social changes in America are discussed.

Communications regarding this column should be addressed to Mrs. Cheney, Peabody Library School, Nashville, Tenn. 37203. Mrs. Cheney does not sell the books listed here. They are available through normal trade sources. Mrs. Cheney, being a member of the editorial board of Pierian Press, will not review Pierian Press reference books in this column. Descriptions of Pierian Press reference books will be included elsewhere in this publication.

The Bureau of Economics in the Federal Trade Commission has a three-part role in the Agency and the strength of its functions changed over time depending on the preferences and ideology of the FTC’s leaders, developments in the field of economics, and the tenor of the times. The over-riding current role is to provide well considered, unbiased economic advice regarding antitrust and consumer protection law enforcement cases to the legal staff and the Commission. The second role, which long ago was primary, is to provide reports on investigations of various industries to the public and public officials. This role was more recently called research or “policy R&D”. A third role is to advocate for competition and markets both domestically and internationally. As a practical matter, the provision of economic advice to the FTC and to the legal staff has required that the economists wear “two hats,” helping the legal staff investigate cases and provide evidence to support law enforcement cases while also providing advice to the legal bureaus and to the Commission on which cases to pursue (thus providing “a second set of eyes” to evaluate cases). There is sometimes a tension in those functions because building a case is not the same as evaluating a case. Economists and the Bureau of Economics have provided such services to the FTC for over 100 years proving that a sub-organization can survive while playing roles that sometimes conflict. Such a life is not, however, always easy or fun.

Communications regarding this column should be addressed to Mrs. Cheney, Peabody Library School, Nashville, Term. 37203. Mrs. Cheney does not sell the books listed here. They are available through normal trade sources. Mrs. Cheney, being a member of the editorial board of Pierian Press, will not review Pierian Press reference books in this column. Descriptions of Pierian Press reference books will be included elsewhere in this publication.

Many jurisdictions fine illegal cartels using penalty guidelines that presume an arbitrary 10% overcharge. This article surveys more than 700 published economic studies and judicial decisions that contain 2,041 quantitative estimates of overcharges of hard-core cartels. The primary findings are: (1) the median average long-run overcharge for all types of cartels over all time periods is 23.0%; (2) the mean average is at least 49%; (3) overcharges reached their zenith in 1891–1945 and have trended downward ever since; (4) 6% of the cartel episodes are zero; (5) median overcharges of international-membership cartels are 38% higher than those of domestic cartels; (6) convicted cartels are on average 19% more effective at raising prices as unpunished cartels; (7) bid-rigging conduct displays 25% lower markups than price-fixing cartels; (8) contemporary cartels targeted by class actions have higher overcharges; and (9) when cartels operate at peak effectiveness, price changes are 60–80% higher than the whole episode. Historical penalty guidelines aimed at optimally deterring cartels are likely to be too low.