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The purpose of this paper is to highlight systemic factors of competence-based integration of retired military officers into the civilian labour market in terms of the perspective of the institutions and institutional settings of competence involved in the formation and deployment.

This study is based on semi-structured face-to-face interviews with 25 retired military officers in Lithuania.

The main institutional problems and challenges of the competence-based labour market integration of retired military officers involve are concentrated in the fields of deployment of skills in the military service, and as well as in the adjustment of acquired skills to the requirements of the civilian labour market.

The main limitation of the research is the absence of perspectives and attitudes of other stakeholders such as policy makers, employers and providers of education and training.

Research identified expectations of retired military officers concerning improvement of training and labour market integration services.

The paper is focused on the institutional aspects of competence-based labour market integration of the retired military officers from their perspective.

This paper aims to investigate issues affecting the integration of retired military officers into civilian work using a competence model as an analytical framework.

The paper combines literature review with empirical study. The primary method of data collection was a series of in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 25 retired army officers in Lithuania.

Despite evidence that a career as an officer in the military develops valuable competencies that have obvious potential in the civilian labour market, the integration of retired army officers into the civilian labour market is fraught with difficulties. Apart from the obvious inappropriateness of specific competencies associated with armed combat for civilian occupations, even competencies acquired in military service that align closely with those required in civilian jobs do not necessarily translate because of different contexts and different value systems.

The empirical basis is limited to army officers in Lithuania, and the authors urge caution in extrapolating to other military personnel and other countries. To the extent that the approach has generic value, there are clearly implications for demobilisation after major conflicts or return to civilian life of personnel involved in international peace-keeping.

This exploratory research suggests that a competence framework can identify limits and possibilities of aligning competencies acquired in military service with those required in civilian occupations, provided context and values are incorporated as part of the analysis. The approach piloted in this paper could be useful more widely for facilitating mobility between sectors and occupations arising from the adoption of disruptive technologies.

The paper demonstrates the value of a structured approach to comparing competencies in context and the mediating role of values in moving from military to civilian occupations.

After the Korean War, South Korean politics was dominated by national security concerns. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz's well-known dictum, in South Korea, “politics is the continuation of war by other means.” Until the late 1980s, politics in South Korea was far from democratic. South Korea had five direct presidential elections (1987, 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007) and six national assembly elections (1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) after the democratic transition of 1987. In 1992, a civilian candidate, Young Sam Kim, was elected president. Young Sam Kim (1993–1998) prosecuted and punished former generals turned presidents Doo Hwan Chun (1980–1988) and Tae Woo Roh (1988–1993) for corruption, mutiny and treason in 1995. Dae Jung Kim (1998–2003) was elected president in 1997. For the first time in South Korean political history, regime change occurred between a ruling party and an opposition party.

In this chapter, the change and continuity of civil–military relations through the fluctuating dynamics of the democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea is examined. A positive consolidation of democratic reform is one that, while securing indisputable civilian supremacy, grants the military enough institutional autonomy for the efficient pursuit of its mission. Civilian supremacy should be institutionalized not only by preventing military intervention in civilian politics but also by ensuring civilian control over the formation and implementation of national defense policy.

In sum, despite three terms of civilian presidency, civilian supremacy has not yet fully institutionalized. Although significant changes in civil-military relations did occur after the democratic transition, they were not initiated by elected leaders with the intention of establishing a firm institutional footing for civilian supremacy. South Korea's political leaders have not crafted durable regulations and institutions that will sustain civilian control over the military.

More than six decades, Korea is still divided. The most highly militarized zone in the world lies along the demilitarized zone. How to draw the line prudently between seeking national security and promoting democracy shall be the most delicate task facing all the civilian regimes to come in South Korea. That mission will remain challenging not only for civilian politicians but also for military leaders.

Describes a study in which actual mobility paths of 94 managers in a special governmental agency in Israel were analysed, in order to identify important career enhancers. This primarily exploratory study was designed after managers expressed concerns about the implicit role of such factors which may not reflect formal career policy. Managers at the agency, which is involved in marketing and procurement of defence‐related goods, oversee field activities and support or administrative functions. Data from computerized personnel files were analysed through the use of transition matrices and statistical analyses. Two factors enhancing managerial careers in the agency emerged: an entry field job (an assessment position), and previous military career (an assessment career). These informal career contingencies may reflect a latent opportunity structure not formally recognized by the organization, but perhaps understood and internalized by members. By implication, managers who recognize such contingencies and manage their careers accordingly may become better adjusted to new career environments. Furthermore, second careerists, whose principal mode of adjustment to novel settings (e.g. retired military officers, mobile college professors) is “replication” of past experiences, may enhance their new careers in familiar rather than unknown terrain. Thus for retired officers service in the public sector may be an effective career choice. Organizations that are concerned with career effectiveness could use such concepts to improve career planning and both entry and outplacement human resources services.

This study aims to interrogate the nature and characteristics of military entrepreneurship among veterans of the Nigerian Armed Forces.

Through the application of case study methodology, the study gathered data that reveal some distinguishing features of veteran entrepreneurship in Nigeria.

Veterans’ military background and military training appear to have both facilitating and inhibiting effects on veteran entrepreneurship in Nigeria. The study also reveals that veteran entrepreneurship though it may have some distinguishing features, but does not differ significantly to civilian entrepreneurship. Veterans’ entrepreneurs confront the same challenges as their civilian counterparts.

The result provides valuable knowledge for academics/researchers researching success and failure factors in the veteran entrepreneurship field.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the nutritional status of two socio‐economic classes, i.e. upper and middle class females, using different approaches apart from body mass index (BMI).

In total, 50 houses were randomly selected from a military officer colony, 25 in each social class on the basis of rank of the retired military officers. From each house a female in between the age range of 30‐50 years was selected and interviewed.

On overall basis, i.e. socio‐economic class, age and activity level, the respondents were having increase over reference protein and carbohydrate, while decrease over reference fat intake. The respondents were also having lower calcium and iron intakes by 31‐34 per cent and 39‐44 per cent, respectively. The vitamin A intake was also lower by 22‐43 per cent. These data suggest that there are faulty food habits and unnecessary restrictions among the females on energy and nutrients intakes in both classes.

This research will have significant effect on the readers and will not only warn about the food habit but will also provide information on the misconceptions about dietary intakes and therefore, the energy and nutrients consumptions. Generally, the privileged classes of the society hold the misconceptions about healthy food habits. Furthermore, this study was conducted on free‐living individuals and the data reported are based on confronted questionnaire. Therefore, in such data there are chances of bias because of over‐ or under‐estimation. The sample size was small, which might have affected the results.

Improved life style and healthy eating is of great concern in the learned societies, since the healthy outcome solely depends on these two factors. This paper provides baseline data on two privileged classes, which may be useful in planning of studies and recommendation for social classes.

This could be useful information and could be used in healthy lifestyle and energy and nutrients intakes when studies are to be planned on socioeconomic status.

This research takes into consideration the effect of social class on energy and nutrients intake in the two privileged socioeconomic classes in a military officer colony.

In the cold war era, perhaps there were no greater heroes of the Soviet Union than the as many as 700,000 firefighters, workers, and military personnel who fought the blazing fires at the Chernobyl nuclear reactor that burned out of control for months until smothered by a makeshift concrete structure, called the “sarcophagus” built to contain radioactive releases. Whether this sarcophagus will last as long as the Egyptian monuments, its name evokes has been a matter of grave continuing concern. And it is doubtful that its symbolism as a lasting evidence of 20th century life will be equally appreciated through the ages. But in April 26, 1986, northern Europe had been placed in dire peril by the catastrophic accident in the number 4 reactor at Chernobyl. Smoke pouring from the fires lofted high in the sky to carry radioactive contaminants eventually across the Northern Hemisphere. Some 100 million curies of radiation were released within 10 days of the initial explosion, comprising the word's worst civilian radiation release (Lawrence Livermore, 1999). And, the reactor threatened to unleash a nuclear explosion that would have dwarfed the effects of what already was the world's worst nuclear accident. The situation demanded extreme sacrifice (see also Zykova, this volume).

The purpose of this paper is to explain why corruption is a serious problem in Myanmar and why the anti-corruption measures initiated by its military government are ineffective.

The paper describes Myanmar’s unfavourable policy context and analyses the perceived extent and causes of corruption in Myanmar before evaluating the effectiveness of its anti-corruption measures.

Myanmar’s location in a bad neighbourhood surrounded by corrupt countries, its vulnerability to the natural resource curse and ethnic conflict, as well as more than five decades of ineffective military rule have hindered its anti-corruption efforts. Corruption remains a serious problem in Myanmar because of the military regime’s lack of political will and failure to address these causes: low salaries; red tape; weak rule of law; and cultural factors. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC)’s performance during its first two years cannot be assessed because of the lack of information on its budget, personnel and activities. As the ACC is led by two former military generals, it is not perceived to be independent, and has been criticised for focusing on investigating corruption cases and corruption prevention at the expense of corruption education.

This paper will be of interest to those policy-makers, scholars and anti-corruption practitioners, who are interested in learning about the causes of rampant corruption in Myanmar and why the anti-corruption measures initiated have failed to curb it.