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Article
Publication date: 26 October 2020

Emmanuel Osafo and Robert Mayfield Yawson

The purpose of this study is to present a conceptual framework to guide the design, development, implementation and evaluation of education and human resource development…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this study is to present a conceptual framework to guide the design, development, implementation and evaluation of education and human resource development (HRD) efforts in Ghana.

Design/methodology/approach

This paper draws on the concept of a tempered radical approach to provide a framework for a critical HRD (CHRD) and explore ways by which this view can contribute to developing HR who possess the requisite tools and character to function efficiently in the 21st century and beyond. This paper followed a multidisciplinary integrated literature review approach. This paper also reviewed relevant models and theories that align with the goals of this research to provide a broader view of the problems with HRD in Ghana and to help develop a framework that seeks to provide a sustainable guide for those involved in HRD activities in Ghana.

Findings

A positive outcome from the synergistic alignment between modern science and indigenous ecological knowledge moderated by the principles of CHRD will result in economic growth and development. HRD’s contribution to economic growth and development and its consequential benefit to the actors will depend on how best CHRD goals are accomplished.

Practical implications

The mediating role of the tempered radicalism will help modify the swiftness with which education and HRD programs are executed in Ghana.

Originality/value

This paper presented the tempered radicalism approach as the quintessential model for education and HRD initiatives in Ghana. The application of tempered radicalism in HRD literature is novel.

Details

European Journal of Training and Development, vol. ahead-of-print no. ahead-of-print
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 2046-9012

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Book part
Publication date: 4 May 2018

Subhani, Ahmad Yani, Awaludin Arifin, Ti Aisyah, Kamaruddin and Teuku Alfiady

Purpose – This study aimed to explore what the Islamic boarding school does to protect their students from radicalism, violence, and fundamentalism.Approach – For this…

Abstract

Purpose – This study aimed to explore what the Islamic boarding school does to protect their students from radicalism, violence, and fundamentalism.

Approach – For this research, both a qualitative approach and a phenomenological method were used to get the accurate results.

Findings – The study was conducted from April 2016 to December 2016. The Islamic Boarding School of Jabal Nur was taken up as a case for this study. The school has a lot of strategies to protect its students from radicalism, violence, and fundamentalism ideology. Those ideologies might damage their health mental and behavior. This research found that the strategies are: (1) applying the curriculum of the study according to the Ministry of Religious Affairs (Kementerian Agama); (2) religious education based on the salafi method (al kitab alasfar) which contains the deradicalization concept, and by this method, the students were trained to be a obedient; (3) foster care system or parenting done for 24 hours. The tutor was responsible for paying attention to their development, listening to their complaints, taking care of their mental and physical health, and guiding them at all times; and (4) the student (santri) was occupied by various extracurricular activities, such as Arabic caligraphy learning, language department center, sport activities, etc. Prevention efforts should also be based on the agreement between the students and their teacher. With these efforts, this study concludes that the radical ideology potential for santri (student) will not occur.

Originality/Value – The study of radicalism becomes an important discussion today, given the rise of terrorist threats in almost all countries.

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Proceedings of MICoMS 2017
Type: Book
ISBN:

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The Development of Socialism, Social Democracy and Communism
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78743-373-1

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Article
Publication date: 10 September 2018

Mohamed Ismail Sabry

The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to Marxist socialism. Which factors led to the rise of the popularity of socialism? And which factors made a socialist variant relatively more successful in one society but not the other, with social democracy and communism being the focus of the study?

Design/methodology/approach

Conducting a global theoretical and empirical study on the period between the late 1890s and 1945. The theoretical part discusses various perspectives presented in the literature, accounting for the works of major sociologists (e.g.: M. Mann, Lipset) and political theorists (e.g.: Marx, Engels, Lenin). The empirical part uses a number of OLS multivariate panel regressions using voting to various socialist movements as dependent variables, and socioeconomic and institutional factors as independent variables.

Findings

Some of the findings of the conducted empirical study are that: democracy, industrialization, high population growth rates, low linguistic or religious homogeneity, more years of schooling and less years since independence or creation increase the social democrat (SD) vote. The communist vote was affected positively by more urbanization; higher population growth; less years of schooling; more years since independence; recent experience of war; and the presence of insignificant religious minorities. Inequality seemed also to have been a strong significant factor for raising the popularity of various socialist parties, especially when countries were long-established or created. Countries which had a fresh experience with war devastation or which were highly urbanized while having higher levels of inequality witnessed an increasing vote share for the communists. More votes went to SD; however, when inequality existed in highly industrialized countries. High GDP growth, matched with higher inequalities, did not seem to have encouraged voting for various socialist parties, and even affected the communist vote negatively.

Research limitations/implications

There were data limitations on the available proxies.

Practical implications

This study suggests welfarism, public spending on education, social inclusion and democratization as remedies for radicalism, regardless of the ideological origins of such radicalism.

Originality/value

Its novelty is attributed to the deep analytical dimension for the issue done here, combining theory, an empirical study made possible by the newly available rich historical data.

Details

International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, vol. 38 no. 9/10
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0144-333X

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Book part
Publication date: 20 July 2011

Ahmed Saber Mahmud and Syed Mansoob Murshed

Communal violence requires a prior existence of radicalism. The chapter shows that the degree of extremism of one group can increase or decrease in response to that of the…

Abstract

Communal violence requires a prior existence of radicalism. The chapter shows that the degree of extremism of one group can increase or decrease in response to that of the other. Lootable wealth unambiguously raises radicalism. It is not the absolute level of income but the difference between peacetime income and that of conflict periods that determines the magnitude of radicalism.

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Ethnic Conflict, Civil War and Cost of Conflict
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78052-131-2

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Book part
Publication date: 18 August 2017

Mohamed Ismail Sabry

Abstract

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The Development of Socialism, Social Democracy and Communism
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78743-373-1

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Book part
Publication date: 23 December 2010

Noel W. Thompson

Joseph Dorfman in his introduction to the 1966 edition of Ravenstone's A Few Doubts on the Subjects of Population and Political Economy argued that Ravenstone was Rev…

Abstract

Joseph Dorfman in his introduction to the 1966 edition of Ravenstone's A Few Doubts on the Subjects of Population and Political Economy argued that Ravenstone was Rev. Edward Edwards, a major contributor on political economy to the Quarterly Review and Blackwood's Magazine. The case Dorfman made was circumstantial but nonetheless a strong one. First there was the fact that ‘articles in these Tory organs [were] roughly speaking in accordance with the views of “Ravenstone”’ (Dorfman, 1966). Both Ravenstone and Edwards were, for example, strongly critical of Malthusian population theory and its implications. Furthermore, on the basis of a reading of the 1821 work, Dorfman opined that Ravenstone was a trained theologian, something consistent with Edwards' clerical status, and that both had a predilection for historical reflection. Dorfman also believed he had found evidence in the files of John Murray, the publisher of the Quarterly Review, to substantiate his identification. Thus he cites a letter from Murray to William Gifford, a member of the publishing house, dated 3 November 1820, which makes reference to a manuscript sent to Murray shortly before A Few Doubts was published by another house. Moreover, Murray's correspondence files show that Edwards thought highly of Henry Brougham, and there is a copy of A Few Doubts in the Goldsmiths' Library in London, which is inscribed from the author to him (Dorfman, 1966, p. 20).

Details

English, Irish and Subversives among the Dismal Scientists
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-0-85724-061-3

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Book part
Publication date: 18 August 2017

Mohamed Ismail Sabry

Abstract

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The Development of Socialism, Social Democracy and Communism
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78743-373-1

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Article
Publication date: 1 October 2018

Kerry J. Kennedy, Lijuan Joanna Li and Hoi Yu Ng

The recent mobilization of many Hong Kong youth to engage in what are regarded as radical political activities is not a new area of investigation. Much has been discussed…

Abstract

Purpose

The recent mobilization of many Hong Kong youth to engage in what are regarded as radical political activities is not a new area of investigation. Much has been discussed about this growing political activism and localism often giving an impression that Hong Kong youth are radical and disengaged from China as a nation. Yet little is known about the possible antecedents of such disengagement. The purpose of this paper is to identify whether there is empirical evidence of growth or decline in civic trust and national attitudes amongst Hong Kong young adolescents over the ten-year period from 1999 to 2009.

Design/methodology/approach

In this study latent profile analyses were used to classify cohorts of Hong Kong secondary students according to the levels of their self-reported trust in civic institutions and attitudes toward the nation. The cohorts were separated by a ten-year gap. Comparisons were made across groups and across the ten-year time span, in order to trace changes in civic attitudes of young adolescents following the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997.

Findings

Three distinct groups were identified in both cohorts – Activists, who had negative attitudes to trust and toward the nation, Nationalists who had positive attitudes toward trust and the nation and Moderates who endorsed average responses to the, two variables. The gaps between the groups tended to be greater in the 2009 group compared to the 1999 groups suggesting greater polarization amongst adolescents on these measures.

Originality/value

Young adolescents cannot be assumed to be politically neutral or lacking social values. Citizenship education needs to take this into account so that values can be clarified and major issues can be discussed in a safe and supportive environment.

Details

Asian Education and Development Studies, vol. 7 no. 4
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 2046-3162

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Article
Publication date: 28 October 2014

Yuan Liu, James G. Wen and Xiahai Wei

The purpose of this paper is to explain the puzzle of Chinese Great Leap Famine, which started with a good harvest in the end of 1958 and ended with lowest rural grain…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to explain the puzzle of Chinese Great Leap Famine, which started with a good harvest in the end of 1958 and ended with lowest rural grain consumption per capita in 1961, by focussing on the communal dining system characterized by compulsory collectivization of peasants’ total grain rations, and deprivation of private plots and household sideline production.

Design/methodology/approach

The paper uses the panel data of 25 provinces from 1958 to 1962 to make the benchmark estimations by POLS and endogeneity-elimination estimations by 2SLS, employing the great advance in agricultural cooperative movement between 1954 and 1956 and the rural population density as the IVs for the radicalism of communal dining system during the Great Leap Forward. The β coefficients and Gfields decomposition are also presented to assess the relative importance of various factors on famine.

Findings

The empirical study finds that the communal dining system does play a critical role on the famine. The evidences of the β coefficients and Gfields decomposition basing on previous estimations also show that communal dining system is the most important cause on the famine.

Social implications

The lesson from communal dining system on famine provides reference for resolving the current “Three Agrarian Issues” in China. It is important to allow peasants to exit from the compulsive collective system.

Originality/value

The paper discovers the institutional root of the famine by the endogeneity-elimination estimations of IVs and the assessment of relative importance of various factors on famine by β coefficients and Gfields decomposition.

Details

China Agricultural Economic Review, vol. 6 no. 4
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1756-137X

Keywords

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