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The purpose of the article is to examine whether, if Bernays can be cast as “Dr Jekyll”, the personification of “good”, respectable public relations, and Goebbels as “Mr Hyde”, “evil”, disreputable propaganda, a comparison of their writing and work provides an insight into public relations as an activity distinct from propaganda or rather adds weight to the conclusion that both are behaviours of “self-presentation for attention and advantage”.

A comparative analysis of writings and work of contemporaries, Bernays and Goebbels, gathered from original documents, speeches and interviews from the 1920s to the mid-1940s, as well as secondary academic and historical sources, was carried out. The analysis of their views on propaganda and “public relations” was organised using the point-by-point method.

The findings support the conclusion that both activities are behaviours of “self-presentation for attention and advantage”. For Bernays and Goebbels, public relations and propaganda were always self-advantaging communication that drew attention to the positive values and behaviours of the interests they represented and masked the negative ones.

There are striking parallels between contemporaries, Bernays and Goebbels, including working in public opinion management for their respective governments and embracing propaganda as a means of “engineering consent”. Yet, while Bernays has been lauded as the “father of public relations” and “the PR profession's first philosopher and intellectual”, Goebbels is remembered as a “master manipulator”, “probably the most overt and arguably the most important, exponent of propaganda in history”. To the researcher's knowledge, there are no other point-by-point analyses of their work with a view to distinguishing public relations as an activity distinct from propaganda.

Propaganda is a prevalent technique used in social media to intentionally express opinions or actions with the aim of manipulating or deceiving users. Existing methods for propaganda detection primarily focus on capturing language features within its content. However, these methods tend to overlook the information presented within the external news environment from which propaganda news originated and spread. This news environment reflects recent mainstream media opinions and public attention and contains language characteristics of non-propaganda news. Therefore, the authors have proposed a graph-based multi-information integration network with an external news environment (abbreviated as G-MINE) for propaganda detection.

G-MINE is proposed to comprise four parts: textual information extraction module, external news environment perception module, multi-information integration module and classifier. Specifically, the external news environment perception module and multi-information integration module extract and integrate the popularity and novelty into the textual information and capture the high-order complementary information between them.

G-MINE achieves state-of-the-art performance on both the TSHP-17, Qprop and the PTC data sets, with an accuracy of 98.24%, 90.59% and 97.44%, respectively.

An external news environment perception module is proposed to capture the popularity and novelty information, and a multi-information integration module is proposed to effectively fuse them with the textual information.

The aim of this study was to examine the early stages of the COVID-19 outbreak and the international communication management of Chinese diplomats as a case for extending the definition of intermestic public diplomacy. The goal was to reveal how Beijing subtly used both domestic and foreign social media to organize a network for communication about COVID-19 and purposefully soften the highly centralized and hierarchical political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC).

Based on the literature on digital public diplomacy, the authors applied the existing concept of intermestic to Chinese politics in order to demonstrate the digitalization of public diplomacy, along with its forms and strategies under an authoritarian regime. A hybrid methodology combining quantitative network analysis and qualitative discourse analysis permits examination of China's intermestic online communication network dynamics, shedding light on how such an intermestic practice promoted Chinese values and power to international publics in the early stages of the COVID-19 crisis.

The authors’ findings extend the implications of intermestic public diplomacy from a democratic context to an authoritarian one. By analyzing the content of public diplomacy and para-diplomatic social media accounts in China and abroad at the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis, the authors outlined China's early crisis management, explaining its intermestic public diplomacy transmission modes and strategies. Moreover, the authors identified changes in the narrative strategies of Chinese diplomats and journalists during this process.

The findings of this study underline that Beijing established a narrative-making virtual communication structure for disseminating favorable Chinese strategic narratives and voices through differentiated communication on domestic and foreign social media platforms. Such intermestic communication strategies were particularly evident and even further weaponized by Beijing in its large-scale Wolf Warrior diplomacy in the spring of 2020. Thus, the study’s findings help readers understand how China digitalized its public diplomacy, its digital communication patterns and strategies.

On the one hand, geopolitical uncertainty and the popularity of social media have contributed to the evolution of the intermestic model of public diplomacy. This model allows actors to coordinate homogenous and differentiated communication practices to deploy their influence. On the other hand, the authors did not examine how intermestic audiences perceive and receive public diplomacy practices. In future studies, scholars should measure the agenda-setting capacity of diplomatic actors by examining the effects of such intermestic communication efforts.

Recent years have seen the development of new approaches to the study of gender and sexuality in childhood, with attention given to socio-historical, cultural and political contexts. This chapter aims to contribute towards a limited field of research on queer childhood and youth in Central Asia by considering how narratives of queer childhood in Kazakhstan are culturally produced. This chapter draws on the material from in-depth interviews of 11 queer people living in Kazakhstan, focussing on their narratives of childhood. The study exposes the effect of silence about non-heteronormative identities in Kazakhstan on queer children. Narratives of bullying and managing school violence are explored along with narratives of queer childhood within the families of origin. Lastly, the chapter foregrounds instances of agency and resilience, considering how queer children manage to steer themselves away from being an ‘impossible subject’ and contest dominant societal attitudes and discourses.

This paper aims to unify fragmented definitions of fake news and also present a comprehensive classification of the concept. Additionally, it provides an agenda for future marketing research based on the findings.

A review of 36 articles investigating fake news from 1990 to 2020 was done. In total, 615 papers were found, and the article pool was refined manually in two steps; first, articles were skimmed and scanned for nonrelated articles; second, the pool was refined based on the scope of the research.

The review resulted in a new definition and a collective classification of fake news. Also, the feature of each type of fake news, such as facticity, intention, harm and humor, is examined as well, and a definition for each type is presented.

This extensive study, to the best of the author’s knowledge, for the first time, reviews major definitions and classification on fake news.

Este artículo pretende unificar las definiciones fragmentadas de las noticias falsas y también presentar una clasificación exhaustiva del concepto. Además, ofrece una agenda para futuras investigaciones de marketing basada en los resultados.

Se realizó una revisión de 36 artículos que investigaban las noticias falsas desde 1990 hasta 2020. Se encontraron 615 artículos, y el grupo de artículos se refinó manualmente en dos pasos, primero, se descremaron los artículos y se escanearon los artículos no relacionados, segundo, el grupo se refinó basado en el alcance de la investigación.

La revisión dio como resultado una nueva definición y una clasificación colectiva de las noticias falsas. Además, se examinan las características de cada tipo de noticias falsas, como la facticidad, la intención, el daño y el humor, y se presenta una definición para cada tipo.

este amplio estudio revisa por primera vez las principales definiciones y la clasificación de las noticias falsas.

本文旨在统一假新闻的零散定义, 并对假新闻的概念进行全面的分类。此外, 它还根据本文的研究结果为未来的营销研究提供了一个议程。

对1990年至2020年期间调查假新闻的36篇文章进行了回顾。一共发现了615篇论文, 并分为两步对此文章库进行了人工提炼：首先, 对文章进行略读和扫描以找出非相关文章, 其次, 根据研究范围对文章库进行了提炼。

此次审查导致了对假新闻的新定义和集体分类。此外, 还分析了假新闻的真实性、意图、危害性、幽默性等各种类型的特征, 并给出了各种类型的定义。

此项涉及广泛假新闻内容的研究首次回顾了关于假新闻的主要定义和分类。

Only data from developed countries were used to estimate the sexual orientation difference in wages. This paper is the first, which aims to identify the wage discrimination of gay men in Russia – a country where institutional discrimination and ignorance against gay men are known to present.

Gays are identified as men who reported having sex with other men in several waves of the national household survey. A wage equation is used to estimate the gay wage penalty. Extending the wage equation to implement a difference-in-difference design, the paper also evaluates the effect of the gay-propaganda law of 2013 on gay wages.

No wage discrimination is identified. The law also has no adverse effect on gay wages.

Cross-country comparison and theoretical generalizations are premature, and better identification strategies are needed to understand sexual orientation differences.

Policymakers should be aware that in both discriminatory and equitable environments, there may be hidden inequality even if researchers do not detect it.

The findings are implausible and add to existing evidence that gay discrimination measured with wage equation suffers from endogeneity and should be interpreted with caution. Particular caution should be exercised in cross-sectional and time-series comparisons, as a tendency to report the orientation honestly and unobserved confounders vary by location and time.

The ongoing business dynamics show two aspects for generating innovation: first, high-impact innovations are developed jointly by several actors, such as universities, enterprises, and governments. Second, startups are better suited to develop innovation during crises or periods of low growth as experienced at the moment. Based on these aspects and drawing on the constructs of the triple helix, this study analyzes the influence between the characteristics of the actors on the quality of the startup ecosystem from a global view.

The study examines the cross-section data of 35 countries between 2017 and 2018 and applies the partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) for assessing the relationships between the triple helix on the quality of the startup ecosystem on a country-level.

The findings suggest that each actor of the triple helix individually does not positively affect the quality of the startup ecosystem. Yet, when analyzing the actors jointly by creating a second-order latent variable (i.e. triple helix), the study found out that in this way, the triple helix construct has a positive effect on the quality of the startup ecosystem.

Although a large body of prior literature indicates the importance of generating interrelationships among the different entities involved in ecosystems, few studies provide empirical evidence from a global perspective of the need for these entities to act in an overlapping manner. The present study supports previous research and reinforces the importance of the triple helix for a more innovative environment.

The media is described as a fourth estate of the realm due to its ability to frame and shape discussions on governance and provide a stimulus for fighting corruption. But is the media really an effective tool for fighting corruption? This question arises due to the possibility of the media being used for propaganda, biased reporting and media owners’ and journalists’ engagement in corruption. The current study addresses the question by exploring the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of Ghanaian justice and anti-corruption officials.

The study adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing justice and anti-corruption officials across three administrative regions in Ghana.

The results show that while justice officials describe the media as a medium for accusing officials unjustifiably and exaggerating the scale of corruption, anti-corruption officials believe the media helps to fight corruption. In addition to uncovering and exposing public officials’ corruption, the media is also a double-edged sword characterised by intra-vigilance: the media hold “their own” (i.e. journalists fighting corruption) accountable through criticism and exposure of wrongdoings.

The double-edged nature of the media can strengthen and enhance the fight against corruption because anti-corruption actors and journalists will be cautious as misjudgements or errors committed will not be overlooked or concealed by the media. Therefore, anti-corruption agencies in Ghana can collaborate with the media to uncover and expose corruption committed by public officials and even journalists or media owners.

This study is the first in Ghana to explore the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of justice and anti-corruption officials. The approach, frameworks and methodology adopted in this study can be applied in similar studies in other countries on the African continent and beyond.