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The purpose of the paper is to understand the interlinkage with financial inclusion and how it interacts with biometric identification. To investigate this in detail, the authors employ household-level data on India to examine the interlinkage among Prime Minister Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) account, Aadhaar card and mobile telephony.

Given the survey data, the authors employ 3 stage least squares (3SLS) methodology to explore the association among these key variables, while controlling for other household, district and economy-wide factors.

The findings provide strong evidence of complementarity among these variables, with each tending to reinforce the other. This complementarity is reflected primarily in respect of PMJDY and Aadhaar, but much less so with regard to mobile telephony. Additionally, this complementarity is manifest more prominently in the long run, although it is much less so in the short run.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is one of the earliest studies for India to systematically examine the Jan-Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile (JAM) trinity.

This paper attempts to measure the state-wise impact of Prime Minister's Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) in 30 states and 6 union territories of India for the years 2016, 2017 and 2018; and tries to develop a state-wise plan for geographical expansion of outlets optimizing the overall impact of the scheme.

The state-wise impact factor is calculated using demographic penetration of the scheme in rural areas, demographic penetration of the scheme in urban areas, percentage of accounts with Rupay cards and average balance in these accounts. The impact factor is postulated to be a linear function of literacy, per capita GDP, demographic and geographic penetration of banks and the number of poor people. The weights for the sub-parameters are derived through principal component analysis. A generalized linear model with heteroscedasticity and autocorrelation consistency method for estimation of the equation with robust standard errors is used.

It is found that the scheme has been more effective in the states with higher levels of illiteracy which is contrary to the findings of existing studies where illiteracy is identified as a barrier to financial inclusion. A state-wise plan for geographical expansion of outlets is proposed with a view to optimizing the overall impact of the scheme, along with suggestions for improvement.

The data for ATMs and bank mitras are available for some of the years, for some states and hence missing data were estimated using extrapolation or on an average basis. Furthermore, the panel data are available for three years making the period of panel small. These aspects might have affected the efficacy of our estimates.

The paper evaluates the newly launched ambitious program PMJDY by the Government of India (GoI), it will have far reaching impact on financial inclusion.

This paper examines India’s tryst with welfare/dis-fare with a specific focus on Modi Sarkar's (2014–2019) dirigiste style reforms. In the welfare regime research, Esping-Andersen (1990) classified advanced economies into three ideal-types of liberal, conservative-corporatist and social-democratic welfare states by government-led welfare provisions and levels of decommodification. The classical typology discussions include countries such as India which is classified as informal-insecurity regime due to a large informal economy with no social security for workers. Based on theoretical standpoints of the political economy of welfare states, comparative historical institutionalism and critical junctures this article examines Modifare has expanded formal welfare to its citizens.

The article uses crisp-set analysis to examine the social policy developments under Modi's regime in India.

This paper examines if the centre-right Modi government did bring about a radical departure from UPA I and II lacklustre welfare approach to the more strategic use of welfare reforms as a political weapon on a national scale. It concludes that Modi-fare falls short in being transformatory.

The article is an original contribution to the field of comparative welfare regimes.

After working through the case, the students should be able to understand Indian political economy and the brand building process of NaMo; identify the media mix strategies used to build the brand NaMo in India; evaluate possible future growth strategies for brand NaMo; and compare and contrast brand NaMo with business brands.

Narendra Modi popularly called as NaMo was the current Prime Minister of India. He belonged to Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) which won India’s general elections in two consecutive terms 2014 and 2019. NaMo was recognised worldwide for his prudence in leading the country to greater heights of achievement. NaMo started his political journey as the worker of BJP at a tender age. His rise in political career was akin to flagship brand overtaking the parent brand. All the steps taken in the past to position himself as a cult brand, will it fortify to NaMo’s victory in 2024 general elections? Business firms may follow NaMo’s strategies. What can the business brands emulate from NaMo to market and position themselves? Can political success be transpired to business success?

This case is designed for use in a graduate-/postgraduate-level marketing course in segments on brand management, brand expansion and the marketing strategies of a market leader. The case can also be used in a brand management course to discuss brand management models (e.g. Keller’s brand resonance pyramid and brand value chain). This case has particular application for classes that focus on brand equity, STP for any brand (segmentation, targeting and positioning) and brand value chain. The case looks in detail at the Indian political market and brand building process of NaMo and examines competitive moves since its inception. This case can be used in brand management, media management courses. The dilemma can be explained as part of a marketing course for postgraduate and executive programmes.

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CSS 8: Marketing.