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The purpose of this paper is to challenge the idea that poor people are generally risk averse and that risks are predominately created by structural conditions and outside forces (Wisner et al., 2004, p. 11; Cardona, 2004, p. 39). It aims to show that some categories of poor people regularly take risks and that they can have good reasons for that. For people living at the edge of Indonesian society, taking risks on a regular basis has become something normal. The possibility that people can actively involve themselves in risky practices needs to be taken into account in risk assessments by government and civil society.

The material presented in this paper has been collected during long, intermittent periods of ethnographic fieldwork in East Java and East Kalimantan between 1999 and 2014. The data were mostly collected “at the side” of research on poverty, social security, social welfare and livelihood security. It also makes use of a case study on oplosan in Pati, Central Java, written by Frans Hüsken, of newspaper reports, online sources, talks with police officers and online news items.

In many of the current day risk studies, livelihood risks of the poor are perceived as “externally induced” resulting from outside influences such as disasters, living at dangerous places or as resulting from structural factors such as social and economic inequality. Little attention has been paid to poor and vulnerable people who actively take risks themselves and the reasons to do this. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Java and East Kalimantan, Indonesia, in this paper some risky practices of poor (young) people are explored. Examples are several forms of extreme risk-taking such as drinking parties with potent or even poisonous mixtures (oplosan), gambling and competition (often referred to as trek-trekan).

So far, little attention has been paid to the fact that people often actively involve in risks and deliberately may opt for risky lifestyles and opt to live in risky environments as this offers opportunities for poor people to gain money, prestige and jobs otherwise not accessible.

Purpose: The violent conflict in Ambon, Indonesia (1999–2002) – which claimed more than 2,000 lives – occurred when a dominant ethnic group (Ambonese) was challenged by new ethnic groups (non-Ambonese: Bugis, Butonese, and Makassarese). The conflict intensified and evolved into a religious one between the Christians (mostly Ambonese) and the Moslems, consisting of Ambonese and the non-Ambonese. The absence of a long-term societal re-integration strategy that emphasized on the management of group diversities had resulted in a pseudo or fragile integration that led to societal disintegration. Following the regime change in 1998, a violent communal conflict or “politics by other means” occurred since the conduciveness of the local situation was related to national politics.

Method: Using Ambon as a Case Study, the chapter analyzes the trajectory of the conflict and its resolution.

Findings: The conflict grew more extensive ever since the failure of the state, particularly the police and the military that became partisans in order to protect their families or to benefit from security businesses. The peace building efforts took in several stages involving various social organizations as well as governments at the local and the national level. These processes were facilitated by general election or “war by other means” that transformed the violent conflicts to non-violent competition or from bullet to ballot.

Mary Kay is one of the best-known direct sellers of women's cosmetics in the world. Its channel strategy is to use independent beauty consultants, who are independent distributors, to sell directly to consumers. Its compensation plan is multilevel, providing commissions to distributors on their own sales as well as the sales of the distributors they recruit. At the time of the case, the company is grappling with a well-established change in consumer behavior—the decline of the stay-at-home mom as she returns to the workforce—combined with the opportunities offered by Internet selling. Focuses on the company's efforts to move with consumer demand and behavior, while remaining true to its core goal of “Improving Women's Lives.” Discusses ways Internet technology can be used throughout the company's channel and supply chain structure, not just as a route to market.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the alternative procurement procedures that will address the complexity of issues surrounding timber procurement for housing reconstruction after the Tsunami in Banda Aceh. It reviews construction supply chain management (SCM) and procurement philosophies with a project management (PM) perspective to facilitate the logistics of post‐disaster reconstruction.

Based on two fieldtrip experiences in Banda Aceh in 2006 (one month) and 2008 (two months) with the housing reconstruction program of an international non‐governmental organisation, this paper examines the modern literature on SCM and analyses this process associated with construction material procurement in practice, reviews the problems inherited in the Indonesian context and analyses the proposed procedures of local and international procurement of timber to streamline the supply for reconstruction in Banda Aceh, Indonesia.

The incorporation of sustainable considerations into the design of procurement routes in the overall PM process for post‐disaster construction should be well recognized. The paper shows that basic SCM philosophies of ensuring stakeholder integration and collaboration could reduce the problems in timber procurement in Banda Aceh. Sustainable construction and triple bottom lines criteria are proposed to ensure a value creation process for a wider stakeholder engagement and overall reconstruction project delivery.

The paper provides useful PM insights into SCM and sustainable construction literature. The case study reviews the timber procurement problems and goes further to present two alternative procurement models that could be implemented as more sustainable responses to post‐disaster reconstruction in Banda Aceh.

THE present economic climate is forcing everybody to be cost conscious. Such staggering sums are being poured out for defence needs, with their unpleasant corollary of high taxation, that the smallest gleam of light is welcomed amid the encircling gloom.

This study aims to formulate the implementation model of Ship and Port Facility Security Policy based on ISPS Code in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch).

The location of the study was the port area of PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). It was because the controlling policy became the duties and responsibilities of each region in which it was the responsibility of PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). However, because of the problem of controlling, it became a common responsibility that could be divided into other institutions such as Navy, Police, Kodim, Satpol PP and leadership apparatus ranging from local to central authorities. Data collection in this study was done by some methods, namely: interview and direct observation. This was done to provide a real and detailed picture of the implementation of Ship and Port Facility Security that is based on ISPS Code to discipline gerandong in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). The researcher conducted the data collection activity by compiling the document on the field.

Ship and Port Facility Security Policy of ISPS Code throughout Indonesia, including PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch), has been enacted by Ministry of Transportation since 2004 by the Decree of Minister of Transportation Number 33/2003 on the application of Amendment of SOLAS 1974 on the Ship and Port Facility Security in Indonesian territory (ISPS Code) in top-down way for good port governance that is free from any safety, health and security threats, especially gerandong because of which the implementation of ISPS Code is not working properly. The Ship and Port Facility Security Policy that is based on ISPS Code is a mandate of UN convention and the mandate of the law and order of the Minister of Transportation to conduct the port security, especially in securing the ship and port facility based on ISPS Code so that Cirebon Branch will be a world-class port. The implementation process of ship and port facility security that is based on ISPS Code in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch) does not run optimally, especially in disciplining gerandong because of the lack of the socialization that was done to the target community groups and related makeshift.

From the results of analysis of several journals that became a reference for this study, there are at least three problems that need special attention, namely, general implementation problems (especially in developing countries), implementations that do not work because of leadership and implementation that cannot run if there is no benchmarking. The researcher is interested in analyzing the problem that has lasted almost for 10 years and has never been resolved until now. Many of the problems behind the phenomenon of gerandong occurred because of the interaction of government (civil society), civil society, Community Empowerment Institutions (LSM), Market (PT Pelindo) and certain community groups as well as the involvement of the apparatus. The most important of all that has been explained above is that in accordance with the feasibility of study (FS), the environmental impacts of the Development Main Plan (RIP) of Cirebon Port and its social impact analysis on the community has not been discussed. Therefore, the FS is expected to be complete and to become plenary and be more feasible to be accepted with this gerandong study.