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In this chapter, rephrasing Spivak's question into ‘can subaltern children speak?’, I reorient the research on China's gigantic population of children and youths in rural migrant families towards a critical interpretative approach. Based on life history and longitudinal ethnographic interview gathered with three cases, I unpack the multiple meanings migrants' children attach to mobility in their childhood experiences. First, despite emotional difficulties, children see their parents' out-migration more as a ‘mobility imperative’ than their abandonment of parental responsibilities, which should be contextualized in China's long-term urban-biased social policies and the resultant development gaps in rural and urban societies. Second, the seemingly ‘unstable’ and ‘flexible’ mobility patterns observed in migrant families should be understood in relation to a long-term family social mobility strategy to promote children's educational achievement and future attainment. The combination of absent class politics in an illiberal society with an enduring ideology of education-based meritocracy in Confucianism makes this strategy a culturally legitimate channel of social struggle for recognition and respect for the subaltern. Last, children in migrant families are active contributors to their families' everyday organization amidst mobilities through sharing care and household responsibilities, and developing temporal and mobility strategies to keep alive intergenerational exchanges and family togetherness. The study uncovers coexisting resilience and vulnerabilities of migrants' children in their ‘doing class’ in contemporary China. It also contributes insights into our understanding of the diversity of childhoods in Asian societies at the intersection of familyhood, class dynamics and cultural politics.

This study aims to investigate the influence of the Confucius Institute (CI) on outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) by China and its potential interaction with cultural difference and institutional quality in host countries.

In the empirical study, the gravity model is adopted as the benchmark to investigate the effects of CI on China's OFDI using the ordinary least squares or Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood estimators. Panel data on China's OFDI from 2004 to 2015 are used. Cultural difference and institutional quality are included explicitly as control variables to examine the effects of CI on China's OFDI.

CI has a significant positive effect on China’s OFDI, and this effect depends on the cultural difference and institutional quality of the host country. The impact of CI on China’s OFDI is more prominent in host countries with a smaller cultural difference or lower institutional quality.

CI is a comprehensive platform for foreign cultural exchange and signifies the rebirth of Confucianism in China. The present study shows that CI can stimulate the growth of China’s OFDI, with implications for other Asian countries influenced by Confucianism. Based on the results of the study, strategies for “Going Global” and encouraging economic growth based on cultural exchange and the recognition of host country heterogeneities are proposed.

The purpose of this paper is to study the long‐run relationship between economic growth and income inequality in China during the pre‐reform (1952‐1978) and post‐reform (1979‐2007) periods, this will be done via cointegration analysis.

The aim of this paper is to offer a proper answer to the issue of the inequality‐growth nexus by using a cointegrated VAR‐setting approach, in this way, the study can cope and avoid the problems of parameter heterogeneneity, omitted variable bias and endogeneity, from which the model of macroeconometric analysis suffers.

The cointegration analysis shows that, for both periods the relationship is positive and the inequality‐growth elasticity has grown in the second period. In addition, a more robust test of Granger‐causality suggested by Toda and Yamamoto indicates that whereas in the first period there is unidirectional causality from inequality to growth, there is no directional causality in the second period.

The pre‐reform period going from 1952 to 1978 is characterized by the adoption and implementation of a Soviet‐type economy. The economy showed a modest annual economic growth rate of 2.33 percent and very low levels of inequality, with an average Gini coefficient of 0.27. The post‐reform period tried to combine central planning with market‐oriented reforms to increase productivity. In fact, the economy has grown at an annual growth rate of 7.07 percent since 1979 and also the inequality with an average Gini coefficient of 0.33.

The paper studies the relationship between income inequality and economic growth in China during the pre and post reform periods. A significant and positive long‐run relationship between inequality and economic growth in both periods was found. The inequality‐growth elasticity is greater in the post‐reform than the pre‐reform period. Using a more robust Granger causality test the authors find a unidirectional predetermination between the variables for the whole period and for the pre‐reform period. However, there is not causality in the post‐reform period. Except the urban‐rural disparity which explains the unidirectional causality from inequality to growth, pre‐reform China was basically an egalitarian society. In the pre‐reform period, the low inequality was identified as a strain on economic growth. However, the reform period has seen remarkable growth. Although regional inequality and the rural‐urban gap declined from the late 1970s to the mid‐1980s, both have increased rather dramatically since the mid‐1980s.

Purpose: Premarital cohabitation has increased dramatically in China in the last few decades. Past studies have suggested that education is positively associated with premarital cohabitation in China, but how this association changes over time when cohabitation grows from a marginal phenomenon to a popular choice remains unknown. This chapter investigates the changes in the association between education and premarital cohabitation among married individuals in post-reform China.

Design/methodology/approach: Using pooled data from the China Family Panel Studies (2010–2016), logistic regressions are carried out to compare the association between education and premarital cohabitation across three marriage cohorts: 1981–1992, 1993–2001, and 2002–2016.

Findings: Results show that opposite to trends in many Western countries, the positive association between education and premarital cohabitation has not decreased but instead strengthened over time in China. This trend is more consistent for women than men.

Research limitations/implications: The pathways through which education influences cohabitation have not been examined. Moreover, the scope of this research is limited to married individuals and does not include cohabiting experiences that do not lead to marriage. Future research may address this issue when such data become available.

Originality/value: This chapter for the first time examines how the association between education and premarital cohabitation changes over time across different marriage cohorts and whether the diffusion process has happened like what has been observed in Western countries. The findings suggest that China is developing different patterns and trends of demographic changes because of its unique institutional and cultural context.

Can standard business cycle methodology be applied to China? In this chapter, we address this question by examining the macroeconomic time series and identifying dimensions in which China differs from economies (such as Canada and the United States) that are typically the subject of business cycle research. We show that naively applying the standard business cycle tools to China is no more ridiculous than applying it to Canada, although the dimensions along which the model struggles is different. For China, the model cannot account for the low level of consumption (or high saving) as a proportion of income observed in the data. An examination of provincial level consumption data suggests that the absence of channels for intranational consumption risk sharing may be an important reason why the business cycle model has trouble accounting for Chinese consumption and saving behavior.

This paper examines the gender patterns of occupational mobility in post-reform urban China using a national representative dataset. The results show there are marked gender differences in both direction and self-reported cause of occupational mobility. With respect to the direction of mobility, married women are more likely than married men to undergo downward occupational changes, but are less likely to experience upward moves. In terms of the cause of mobility, compared to married men, married women are less likely to change jobs for career development or move to a new job assigned by the employer, but are more likely to change jobs for family reasons or as a result of involuntary separation. The results also show that the public-sector restructuring has increased the incidence of downward occupational mobility, more for women than men. The analysis suggests that women are disadvantaged in the occupational mobility process by a variety of social and institutional factors.

It is generally agreed that policy reforms have been more successful in China than in South Asia. The purpose of this paper is to argue that the relative success of China can be explained by the differences in initial conditions and in the design and sequencing of policies. The reform path followed by China placed reform of agriculture and rural light industry ahead of economic liberalization policies. South Asia, on the other hand, followed an opposite sequence with macroeconomic, trade, and industrial reforms coming ahead of agriculture and institutional reforms. This paper also finds that economic policies have mattered in South Asia and it develops an unfinished reform agenda comprising mainly the so‐called second generation reforms which is necessary to propel South Asia to a higher growth trajectory.

The paper argues that the difference in economic performance between China and South Asia in the post‐reform period can be explained by the differences in initial conditions and the design and sequencing of policies.

This paper finds that economic reforms have been more successful in raising economic growth and reducing poverty in China than in South Asia because of differences in initial conditions and the design and sequencing of reforms. Going forward, South Asia needs to focus on the implementation of the so‐called second generation reforms (agriculture, industrial, and the more microeconomic institutional reforms) more vigorously. This will, however, pose a serious challenge to the countries because these reforms generate benefits only in the longer term and therefore require a wider political consensus for their implementation. Yet without these reforms, sustained higher economy growth in the future and catch‐up with East Asia will not be possible.

The paper argues that difference in economic performance between South Asia and China can be partially explained by the way in which they designed their reform paths and it also develops a reform agenda that South Asian countries could implement to improve their economic performance. Hence the value of the paper is for both scholars and policy makers at large.

In an urbanising world, neighbouring is perceived to be steadily losing significance and a remnant of the past. The same belief can also be found in China where rapid urbanisation has had a tremendous impact on the social networks and neighbourhood life of urban residents. This chapter challenges the common perception of neighbouring in demise and argues that neighbouring remains an important form of social relationship, even if the meanings and role of neighbouring have changed. This chapter first charts the changing role of neighbouring from the socialist era to post-reform China. It then provides an account of four common types of neighbourhoods in Chinese cities – work-unit estates, traditional courtyards, commodity housing estates and urban villages – and considers how and why neighbouring in different ways still matters to them. In pre-reform socialist China, neighbourhood life and neighbouring comprised much of the daily social life of residents. Since the reform era, with the proliferation of private commodity housing estates, middle-class residents prioritise comfort, security and privacy, such that neighbouring levels have subsided. Nevertheless, in other neighbourhood types, such as work-unit housing estates, traditional courtyards and urban villages, neighbours still rely upon one another for various reasons.

Using the latest census data (2010), this paper investigates housing poverty conditions in Shanghai, the largest city in China. The data shows that a large fraction of Shanghai households are still living in excessively over-crowded housing. Meanwhile, the incidence ratio of housing poverty among migrants is more than five times than among natives. In particular, 45% of rural migrant households were living in housing poverty. Poverty decomposition analysis shows that approximately 70% of total housing poverty in Shanghai is attributable to rural migrants. Our finding is supported by estimating the multidimensional poverty index (MPI). The findings in this paper have significant implications to general housing policy making in urban China.

This explorative paper considers the recent developments in the emerging small family business sector in post‐reform China as the country embraces socio‐economic and structural transition from a centrally planned to a market‐orientated system. The important contributions that Chinese small family firms play in the acceleration of private sector development across the social and industrial sectors as well as the geographic boundaries of the Pacific Rim are highlighted. The authors propose typologies of Chinese entrepreneurship and tentative enterprise policy recommendations for the future development of small private family businesses in China.