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This paper aims to examine the phenomenom of wild capitalism under post Communist transformation. Many commentators on post Communist transformation focus their attention on dysfunctional corporate governance and the deleterious consequences of liberalisation on business ethics. Poor business ethics and bad corporate governance may be a consequence of labour exploitation for comparative advantage, and the abandonment of party authority. This allowed rapacious rent‐seeking by a minority well placed to benefit from the newly de‐regulated regime. A by‐product is a burgeoning informal economy encouraged by insider dealing of privatised state assets. State regulation, where it exists, is often ignored. Employment relations are fragmented, with state‐owned enterprises retaining some form of collective regulation, while newly privatised enterprises seek to marginalise union activity.

The paper analyses why Serbia has diverged from the Slovenian case in the former Yugoslavia and determines norms of behaviour as a product of both structural and agency dynamics. Evaluates the Privatisation Agency's programme and reviews documentary evidence on business transparency. Records evidence of labour disputes from trade unions, press reports, semi‐structured interviews with trade union leaders and activists. The researchers also held a Round Table of trade unionists, journalists and employers in Belgrade in September 2008, funded by the British Academy.

The paper concludes that wild capitalism is an integral, rather than deviant mode of behaviour in Serbia.

The findings have relevance for other post Communist states, which may be subject to a greater or lesser degree to political clientelism and fragmentation of employment relations.

This article argues that the transformation of the economies of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has to be understood in the context of the dynamics and development of the global economy. The analysis draws on the notion of combined and uneven development in which there has recently been renewed interest. Too often this notion has been a slogan that lacks substance, but the article elaborates how change is a dynamic process of interaction between economic change and political and social forces. The neoliberal analysis, as well as some Marxist accounts, are criticised for being deterministic, linear and prescriptive. This account emphasises the institutional dimension and role of the state as being critical to understanding the varied outcomes between and within economies in CEE in terms of the way that it has mediated the reinsertion of these countries into the global economy. The story focuses on agency, a neglected aspect of analysis, in emphasising the ideological and discursive aspects of transformation, which attempt to justify and reinforce economic and material changes and to close down debate about alternatives. Crucially, the form and content of development, in its widest sense, cannot be known or predicted because the process of transformation has been contested by different factions of the ruling class and by workers. Despite the marginalisation of organised labour in mainstream and many radical accounts, it is argued that trade unions and workers have been central to the process and outcomes of transformation.

As the democratic world debates and in some cases replaces physical voting with postal ballots and on-line voting, it is important to refrain from advocating a generic approach to the issue and in particular to distinguish between consolidated and unconsolidated democracies.

The paper argues that unconsolidated democracies are not fit for the introduction of non-physical (postal ballot and on-line) voting methods, which rather than broadening the scope of democracy may in actual fact be derailing it. The key reason for this distinction is the lack of political consensus for constitutional rules, the weakness of the rule of law and persistence of parochial and subject-based political cultures in many countries of the region, including Poland.

Replacing physical voting with postal ballot, attempted during Presidential elections in the summer 2020 in Poland, eventually failed and was replaced with conventional physical vote. However, the Polish case demonstrates that in the system with weak checks and balances, postal ballot could be used to consolidate illiberalism not democracy.

The paper demonstrates that further research on defining consolidated and unconsolidated democracy is needed. In particular there is a need to factor in the research on political culture into the definitions of democratic consolidation.

EU membership for Poland and some other Central European states – such as Hungary – failed to prompt the process of democratic consolidation. In fact the opposite happened as the impact of EU conditionality lost relevance. It is important that any change of electoral law in Poland and other rule of law violators in the region is viewed with great care and scrutiny.

The paper’s conceptual approach rests on the definition of consolidated democracy as put forward by Przeworski (1991) and developed by Linz and Stepan (1996). According to these definitions, Poland is not yet a consolidated democracy and as argued in the paper, it has actually experienced an expansion of illiberalism in recent years. The paper also posits that the concept of “consolidated democracy” should be augmented to include the existence of civic political culture as a necessary condition for the maintenance of a healthy democracy.

The paper investigates the utility of economic theory for post‐Communist economic transformation. It serves to explain the main reasons for market reform failure in different post‐Communist countries.

A literature review suggests that after the collapse of the Communist system there was no economic theory of transition to market. Whenever one considers the transition of post‐Communist economies to a market system (which, in fact, is nothing but post‐Communist transition to capitalist economies), it has to be placed on record, as this kind of transition has no precedent in history.

The main mistake of gradualists stems from their overlooking some very important conditions for successful transition: political guarantees and internal assets for reforms. And the success of shock therapy rests on the paradox, “the worse, the better”.

There is as yet no special economic theory of post‐Communist transformation and it is just developing. This paper helps one to understand the main features of shock therapy and gradualism for designing the framework of such a theory. It is geared towards researchers and students interested in the theoretical aspects of the post‐Communist economic transition to markets.

The purpose of this paper is to trace the modernisation of the retail structure of Vietnam from a closed market to one that is increasingly open to retail transnational corporation (TNC) entry and associated Western retail formats.

The authors undertake this study of retail change through the analysis of a wide range of governmental and industry secondary data – much of which has not entered western academic debate given the challenges of access and translation. In doing so, this period of adaptation is related to well‐known studies concerning the diffusion of western forms of retailing discussed across the social sciences.

As a country encountering the third wave of supermarket proliferation within emerging markets, Vietnam's experience is found to broadly fit the models of retail foreign direct investment (FDI) entry and retail “modernisation” suggested by Natawidjaja et al. and Dries et al. The retail change process was affected by a slow, progressive creep of market liberalisation where, as late as 2009, a foreign partner could hold only up to 49 per cent of capital in a joint venture. While analysis of the evidence suggests some retailers flouted these laws or employed creative approaches to mitigating their effects, such regulations clearly underpinned a less intense initial influx of retail FDI than had been experienced elsewhere in Asia and maintained a high domestic ownership level in the retail market. Retail modernisation has intensified in recent years, with greater international entry, expansion and retail format proliferation diffusing from cities to more rural locations, though the top five grocery operators still account for less than 4 per cent of the grocery market.

Studies within retail management of retail internationalisation have tended to focus on fully liberalised countries that have attracted high rates of retail capital. In contrast, this paper focuses on understanding the emergence of one of the countries somewhat later to these trends.

The paper offers a new view of the process of post‐Communist transformation of an economy. The collapse of the Communist regime had the result that with rare exceptions all goods produced in these countries were incompatible with international standards due to low quality and/or high prices. The economy of that type can be referred to as “dead” economy, or “necroeconomy”. “Routine”, which has been deeply rooted in the command economy over many decades, is the reproductive base of necroeconomy. The “routine” which reproduces necroeconomy depends, inter alia, on the behavior of the homo transformaticus, who in the realm of entrepreneurship assumes a title of “post‐delets”. The end of necroeconomy is the only true indicator of the end of post‐Communist transformation.

The purpose of this paper is to distinguish the economic foundations of post‐Communist capitalism and to examine the key economic problems of this type of society in the context of the modern financial crisis.

This question is approached by studying the “necroeconomy” as a phenomenon of post‐Communist capitalism and the international experience of the dead firms, so‐called “zombie‐firms”, which do exist and “successfully” function in the most developed of economies as well with Japan being the most obvious example. Unlike developed economies, which are exposed to the threat of the zombie‐ing of the economy under the conditions of a financial crisis, this threat is even greater for the countries of post‐Communist capitalism owing also to their exposure to necroeconomy.

It is found that the financial crisis creates the favourable conditions for the zombie‐ing of a necroeconomy. If in Japan, for example, the zombie‐economy never touched the processing industries, then one of the qualities of the necroeconomy is to concentrate exactly upon this sector of the economy. The zombie‐ing of a necroeconomy inevitably amounts to the zombie‐ing of this already‐dead sector as well.

The value of the paper is to determine the carriers of the necroeconomic and zombie‐economic routines – Homo Transformaticus and Zombie Economicus, respectively. The contemporary financial crisis creates the danger of the transformation of Homo Transformaticus into a Zombie Economicus.

This paper aims to explore the level of convergence in employment practices among firms in the post‐communist countries and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe. Firms from a total of ten countries were included in the post‐communist block and firms from Greece and Turkey were included in the capitalist block. The main purpose was to verify whether employment practices in firms in the post‐communist countries now resemble that of firms in the capitalist countries after almost a decade of transition.

The study analyzed the employment practices in terms of the skill ration, employment of temporary workers and the education level of employees of about 8,000 firms in the region.

In terms of skill ratio and the education level significant levels of divergence was found between firms in post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. However, in terms of employing temporary workers significant levels of convergence was detected.

The research shows that there is some convergence in the employment practices of post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. This shows that several post‐communist countries in South East Europe have completed the transition from a communist society to a capitalist society.

The study is one of the first, which compares the employment practices of post‐communist and capitalist countries in the region. By showing some levels of convergence, the study argues that the transition period in the post‐communist economies is finally ending and thus firms in post‐communist countries finally resemble those in capitalist countries at least in employment practices.

Examines the sequencing of economic reforms in the post‐communist transition, focusing on Russia. Proposes a moderately expansionary stabilization, succeeded by gradual liberalization and marketization, followed by a more ambitious economic restructuring and privatization.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce a Central-European perspective into the international discussion of the participatory place-making. The research focuses on the renewal of the large prefabricated housing estates, dominant type of urban housing in the area where after the privatisation process resident-owners own only a so-called floating plot under their block. In total, 80 per cent of the land of the whole neighbourhood remains public. The question is how participatory place-making works in this specific urban, social and cultural situation?

By introducing the topic from a theoretical point of view, the study is based on research conducted in Budapest’s Újpalota Housing Estate. Fieldwork, project analysis and interviews uncover the complexity of this Hungarian case where appropriation of residents, municipality and European social regeneration projects are simultaneously present with different types of participatory methods.

The majority of real changes in Újpalota – as well as in housing estates of post-Communist countries in general – are led by individual or common appropriation that sometimes becomes convincing participation. This informal transformation of the built or natural environment can create a small sense of place everywhere. At the same time, it can work against the architectural and urban character of a neighbourhood or a building, rendering a feeling of disorder.

The paper based on this Hungarian case shows that the real culture of participatory place-making is still missing in post-Communist context, and despite some good examples, the majority of people are inactive, waiting for changes to be made by leaders.