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Action learning can help teachers gain the necessary professional competence for making better judgements and taking effective action in ambiguous situations. It thus enhances teachers’ professional practice and performance in a changing and uncertain environment. This paper intends to propose a leadership framework for facilitating teachers’ action learning in school. This framework may not only bridge the theoretical gap between school leadership and teachers’ action learning but also enrich the knowledge base of school leadership. The framework comprises three dimensions – inspiring, social supporting, and enabling – and eight components. The inspiring dimension is composed of three components: building and institutionalizing shared vision, providing individualized job design, and modeling. The social supporting dimension encompasses another three components: reducing defensive routines, fostering learning culture, and mobilizing social support. The enabling dimension comprises two components: enhancing theoretical knowledge and repertoires of skills, and providing intellectual stimulation. A principal who exercises this framework has high potential to facilitate teachers’ action learning in school. A list of expected teachers’ cognitive/behavioral characteristics is incorporated in the framework as indicators for the occurrence of teachers’ action learning. Some implications of this framework for research and theory development, and particularly the knowledge base of school leadership, will be discussed at the end of this paper.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies employed by the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps in the proportional representation system which was used to universally elect a half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) of Hong Kong before 2019. It provides the consequences of proportional representation over the political sphere development after the handover.

This research is based on the past election results and the interviews conducted with 18 LegCo members in 2018.

This paper examines how the political parties split their lists in order to win more seats with the past electoral outcomes. Coupled with firsthand materials from interviews with the legislators, the most significant part of this article analyzes why the pro-Beijing camp performed better than the pro-democracy camp. It supplements the gap of current literature from the perspective of campaign strategies. This article also points out the Chinese authorities' miscalculation in the 1990s which resulted in the unintentional creation of fragmented politics and filibusters before 2019.

This examines the development of campaign strategies of the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps, and it explains how the proportional representation caused the fragmented politics in Hong Kong.