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The goal of this research is to examine the link between employees' beliefs that organizational decision-making processes are guided by self-serving behaviors and their own turnover intentions, as well as how this link may be buffered by four distinct resources, two that speak to the nature of peer exchanges (knowledge sharing and relationship informality) and two that capture critical aspects of the organizational environment (change climate and forgiveness climate).

Quantitative survey data were collected among 208 employees who work in the oil and gas sector in Mozambique.

The results indicate that employees' beliefs about dysfunctional political games stimulate their plans to quit. Yet this translation is less likely to occur to the extent that their peer relationships are marked by frequent and informal exchanges and that organizational leaders embrace change and forgiveness.

For organizations, these findings offer pertinent insights into different circumstances in which decision-related frustrations are less likely to escalate into quitting plans. In particular, such escalation can be avoided to the extent that employees feel supported by the frequency and informal nature of their communication with colleagues, as well as the extent to which organizational leaders encourage change and practice forgiveness.

This study adds to extant research by explicating four unexplored buffers that diminish the risk that frustrations with politicized decision-making translate into enhanced turnover intentions.

The purpose of this chapter is to bring three recent and innovative feminist science and technology studies paradigms into dialogue on the topics of subjectivity and knowledge.

Each of the three frameworks – feminist postcolonial science and technology studies, queer ecologies, and new feminist materialisms – reconceptualizes and expands our understanding of subjectivity and knowledge. As projects invested in identifying and challenging the strategic conferral of subjectivity, they move from subjectivity located in all human life, to subjectivity as indivisible from nature, to a broader notion of subjectivity as both material and discursive. Despite some methodological differences, the three frameworks all broaden feminist conceptions of knowledge production and validation, advocating for increased consideration of scientific practices and material conditions in feminist scholarship.

This chapter examines three feminist science and technology studies paradigms by comparing and contrasting how each addresses notions of subjectivity and knowledge in ways that push us to rethink key epistemological issues.

This chapter identifies similarities and differences in the three frameworks’ discussions of subjectivity and knowledge production. By putting these frameworks into conversation, we identify methodological crossover, capture the coevolution of subjectivity and knowledge production in feminist theory, and emphasize the importance of matter in sociocultural explorations.

The purpose of this study is to identify the fundamental elements necessary for formulating criteria to be used when recruiting politicians into the Sri Lankan political system with a view to professionalization. By means of a thorough examination of political practice issues, the paper focuses on the possibility of introducing the concept of political professionalization and endeavors to determine the prerequisite conditions needed to resolve or minimize those issues.

A total of 27 respondents: academics, clergy and journalists were purposively selected for this study and they were divided into three groups to enable data collection through focus group discussions. A thematic analysis method was used to analyze the data.

The main political practice problems were bribery and corruption, the misuse of state resources by politicians, the involvement of family in politics, and unscrupulous and unethical political campaigning. The majority of respondents cited greed for political power, low levels of education and an inadequate understanding of the parliamentary process as the leading factors which cause problems to arise in politics as practiced in Sri Lanka. The analysis revealed three main themes: “knowledge”, “skills” and “values”. Respondents recommended policy initiatives for political recruitment.

The findings suggested that the professionalization of political practice should be promoted by introducing knowledge C skills and values as criteria for political recruitment. And it also suggested that the introduction of professional political practice methods is vitally necessary to reduce political practice issues in the current political scenario of Sri Lanka.

Wonders whether companies actually have employees best interests at heart across physical, mental and spiritual spheres. Posits that most organizations ignore their workforce – not even, in many cases, describing workers as assets! Describes many studies to back up this claim in theis work based on the 2002 Employment Research Unit Annual Conference, in Cardiff, Wales.

The purpose of this study is to identify the structural processes that lead citizens to escape their common social circles when talking about politics and public affairs (e.g. “filter bubbles”). To do so, this study tests to what extent political attitudes, political behavior, news media consumption and discussion frequency affect discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens.

Supported by the polling group Nielsen, this study uses a two-wave panel online survey to study the antecedents and mechanisms of discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens. To test the hypotheses and answer the research questions, ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions (cross-sectional, lagged and autoregressive) and mediation analyses were conducted.

The findings imply that political discussion frequency functions as the key element in explaining the mechanism that leads politically interested and participatory citizens (online) as well as news consumers of traditional and online media to seek a more heterogeneous discussion network, disrupting the so-called “filter bubbles.” However, mediation analyses also showed that discussion frequency can lead to more homogenous discussion networks if people score high on political knowledge, possibly reflecting the formation of a close network of political-savvy individuals.

The survey data give important insights into the 2016 pre-election situation, trying to explain why US citizens were more likely to remain in homogenous discussion networks when talking about politics and public affairs. By using two-wave panel data, the analyses allow to draw tentative conclusions about the influential and inhibiting factors and mechanisms that lead individuals to seek/avoid a more heterogeneous discussion network.

Three distinctive domains of inquiry in comparative and international education (CIE) point to epistemic fault lines that simultaneously enable and disable the possibilities for social transformation in the cultural ecologies that demarcate, but also entangle, the so-called Global South and the North. Historically, these domains of inquiry – language/multilingualism, education, and development – engage arenas in which ideas about wellbeing, social arrangements, and the politics of knowledge (and of power) are constantly constructed, contested, and renegotiated. This analysis pinpoints some of the discursive technologies, which guarantee that active scholarly innovations and differentiation proceed in ways that ultimately leave intact the territorialized regionalizations of development differences. It reflects on ongoing fieldwork from the South to highlight three spheres of social control, and struggle, illustrative of the coloniality of difference and the expanding institutionalization of learning (as schooling) in an era of global interventionism. These loci – the sources of knowledge traditions, the sites of its enactment, and the power of knowledge transactions – represent overlapping activation points through which education interventions both stimulate and stultify social transformations. Specifically, the sources, sites, and power of knowledge offer empirical and discursive tools for historiographic reconsideration of the role of linguistic diversity and education in social change processes, and, crucially, for shifting critical focus from merely the occidentality of contemporary education traditions to the universalism of its social imaginaries. In this critical reading of new understandings of language(s) as invention, therefore, lies analytic opportunities for rethinking epistemic dilemmas in linking education and “development” in CIE scholarship.

Drawing on social learning and social cognitive theories, this study aims to examine a multi-level moderated mediation model that tests the mediating effect of moral disengagement (MD: Level 1) between perceived organisational politics (POP: Level 1) and employee knowledge hiding from coworkers (EKHC: Level 1). The authors further propose that supervisor knowledge hiding from employees (SKHE: Level 2) moderates this mediation effect.

The authors obtained multi-sourced, multi-timed and multi-level data regarding 294 employees, working under 80 supervisors, from multiple organisations operating in Pakistan. The authors analysed these data using multi-level structural equation modelling via Mplus.

The results show that employee MD significantly mediates the direct relationship between POP and EKHC. The mediation effect is further positively moderated by SKHE, which amplifies the mediation effect.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first empirical study that examines both EKHC and SKHE together in a single research model and provides a thorough understanding of why, how and when POP leads to EKHC.

Social movements are sites of knowledge production. Green criminologists are interested in activism both as an informal response to environmental harms/crimes and in their explorations of the possibility of activist green criminology. In this chapter, the author calls attention to a related issue – the significance of knowledge produced in social movements. Drawing on her study of the resistance movements against hydropower in Turkey, the author discusses how movement knowledge can contribute to green criminology in relation to the (i) complexity of harm and victimisation; (ii) politics of knowledge in identifying harm; and (iii) limits of formal processes in preventing harm. The author concludes by highlighting the importance of recognising activists as subjects who produce knowledge, in academic engagement with activism.

The authors revisit the notion of co-production, highlight more critical and re-politicized forms of co-production and introduce three principles for its operationalization. The paper’s viewpoint aims to find entry points for enabling more equitable disaster research and actions via co-production.

The authors draw insights from the authors’ reflections as climate and disaster researchers and literature on knowledge politics in the context of disaster and climate change, especially within critical disaster studies and feminist political ecology.

Disaster studies can better contribute to disaster risk reduction via political co-production and situating local and Indigenous knowledge at the center through three principles, i.e. ensuring knowledge plurality, surfacing norms and assumptions in knowledge production and driving actions that tackle existing knowledge (and broader sociopolitical) structures.

The authors draw out three principles to enable the political function of co-production based on firsthand experiences of working with local and Indigenous peoples and insights from a diverse set of co-production, feminist political ecology and critical disaster studies literature. Future research can observe how it can utilize these principles in its respective contexts.

Existing reviews of research on voluntary childlessness generally take the form of narrative summaries, focusing on main topics investigated over time. In this chapter, the authors extend previous literature reviews to conduct a systematic review and content analysis of socio-historical and geopolitical aspects of knowledge production about voluntary childlessness. The dataset comprised 195 peer-reviewed articles that were coded and analysed to explore, inter alia: the main topic under investigation; country location of authors; sample characteristics; theoretical framework and methodology. The findings are discussed in relation to the socio-historical contexts of knowledge production, drawing on theoretical insights concerned with the politics of location, representation and research practice. The shifts in the topics of research from the 1970s, when substantial research first emerged, uphold the view of voluntary childlessness as non-normative. With some regional variation, knowledge is dominated by quantitative, hard science methodologies and mostly generated about privileged, married women living in the global North. The implications of this for future research concerned with reproductive freedom are outlined.