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Intractable conflict is a long-time violent and self-perpetuating crisis. The peacemaking revolution has the potential to stop the destructive dynamic of the conflict. The purpose of this paper is to present a contractualist model of a peacemaking revolution and its theoretical foundations. It analyzes the revolutionary peacemaking process in Northern Ireland during the 1990s in light of the contractualist model.

The paper presents a contractualist model to describe the interplay between leaders (policymakers) and people (public opinion) and its impact on the strategy to cope with situations of intractable conflict. The paper includes theoretical background and a case study analysis.

The peacemaking revolution is a process of dynamic equilibrium between peacemaking policy and public expectations for change. It progresses from one point of equilibrium to the next.

The paper intends to add a fresh perspective to the study of the peacemaking revolution, in general, and the interplay between peacemaking policy and public support in particular. It points out that a consensus-building process, which combines political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy, has the potential to create the conditions for a peacemaking revolution. Political-elite diplomacy offers diplomatic channels for leaders to begin a peace process, support it and conclude agreements. Public diplomacy offers instruments to involve the people in the peacemaking efforts, prepare them for a change and motivate the leaderships to conclude agreements.

The main purpose of this paper is to propose a strategy to promote the culture of peace in the Palestinian‐Israeli struggle. The Bangladesh approach to peacemaking offers a dual strategy: conflict management in the Israeli‐Gaza situation and conflict resolution in the Israeli‐West Bank case. The first is designed to reduce the level of violence in intensified conflict. The second intends to build the foundations of a peaceful social order.

The paper develops and elaborates the second part of the Bangladesh approach. It offers a strategy to build the foundations for a peaceful social order in the Israeli West‐Bank situation. The paper includes theoretical background, examples from other cases of intractable conflict, and lessons from the “Minds of Peace Experiment” – a simulation of a potential Palestinian‐Israeli public negotiating congress – which was conducted at the University of Missouri‐St Louis.

The paper presents two competitive models of peacemaking and proclaims them complementary: the political élite and the public assembly. The first intends to reach a peace pact through interactions between political élites. The second intends to prepare the people for a reasonable peace process through the establishment of a major institution for conflict resolution – a public negotiating congress.

The public‐assembly model is new in the Palestinian‐Israeli experience. The paper offers a program to create the conditions for establishing a major Palestinian‐Israeli public assembly: a public negotiating congress. It is the first time in the history of the struggle where ordinary people are intended to be substantially involved in the negotiating and the peacemaking process.

The purpose of this paper is to bring a communication management perspective to how nations might use their involvement in humanitarian responses to refugee crisis in attempts to improve their global standing through a case study of Turkish efforts during the Syrian Civil War.

In order to assess the context of Turkey’s attempts to communicate its humanitarian response to the Syrian refugee crisis and its political discourse, the authors use a two-level analysis. The authors utilize a framing analysis and the informational framework of public diplomacy. The authors conduct a framing analysis of 14 speeches delivered by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavusoglu at various international platforms in order to determine the frames and the information frame strategies employed. The authors investigate how Turkey managed its communication efforts and the ways in which the frames are used to reflect Turkey’s nation brand.

The analysis indicates that Turkey uses three frames: benevolent country, righteous side, and global power. These frames indicate that Turkey sees the refugee crisis as a problem resulting from the inefficiency of the international community and presents the “Turkish model” as the benevolent and righteous example to overcome these inefficiencies. Based on the information framework strategies used, it can be argued that the positive impact of these frames on the Turkish brand will be limited to certain audiences mainly due to the communication priorities of the country.

This study provides a novel communication management outlook on humanitarian aid and public diplomacy through an analysis of Turkey as an illustrative case exemplifying communication of development. This study also demonstrates a framework to assess the communication management strategies of other nations that are encountering global refugee crisis and similar humanitarian relief efforts.

This paper aims to provide an integrated model of nation branding, propose a comprehensive definition of this concept and differentiate between nation branding and other related constructs.

To analyze nation branding academic literature, this paper used a systematic literature review approach to investigate academic studies related to nation and country branding. All relevant studies on the nation and country branding between 1996 and mid-2021 were extracted from six selected databases, including Elsevier’s Science Direct, Emerald, Sage, Wiley, Springer and Jstor, by using a Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis process. The reviewed papers were coded and analyzed to extract themes and concepts.

The results of this paper show that nation branding is influenced by six main factors, namely, business and marketing, political, social and cultural, economic and labor, international and environmental factors; it comprises one key component, that is, nation branding; it results in five major consequences, including social, economic and financial, business, international and political consequences, and is moderated mainly by socio-demographic variables. Additional contributions of this paper are the proposal of a comprehensive definition of nation branding based on the extant literature and identifying nation branding differences with other constructs that sometimes have been previously used interchangeably with nation branding. This paper concludes with suggestions for future research in the field.

This paper uses the themes and concepts uncovered by the analysis to conceptualize nation branding, provides an integrated model of nation branding and distinguishes it from other related branding concepts. This paper also summarizes what nation branding is versus what it is not.

This chapter focuses on the development of concordance theory with respect to India's civil–military relations and Pakistan's early yet significant state of discordance, which led to subsequent domestic military interventions. On a regional level, discordance is far more prevalent, and India operates in a South Asian environment where domestic military interventions are not uncommon – Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka being clear examples.

Moreover, the influence of China in the region cannot be overlooked, since India's defense policy is often a reaction to the role of China and the presence of conventional and nuclear forces. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, in particular, threatens a delicate balance in a highly volatile region where China exerts enormous influence on neighboring states including Pakistan. An argument can be made that India's domestic concordance between the military, the political elites, and the citizenry contributes to the preservation of regional stability, because India has chosen to maintain its regional strength vis-à-vis China and Pakistan, while continuing to search for a peaceful solution to the nuclear issue with allies such as the United States. India's most recent and ongoing nuclear deal with the United States originally struck in 2005 is an example of the delicate synergies taking place to offset potential threats from China, Pakistan, and Iran, while maintaining domestic military and technological strength.

Although India's successful domestic course encourages partnerships among international political and corporate allies, Pakistan's continuous domestic discordance has resulted in recent difficult relations with the United States, India, and Afghanistan. Pakistan's inability to quell al-Quaeda extremism has contributed to a lack of domestic confidence in General Musharraf's political agenda. Musharraf has continued the discordant political and social relationship begun by his predecessor Ayub Khan. As a result of Khan's initial and dramatic alienation of the East Bengali community, Pakistan's military and political elites have never recovered the domestic credibility needed to partner with other political groups and the citizenry – a credibility so vital to domestic concordance and international foreign policy.I do not want my house to be walled in on all sides and my windows to be stuffed. I want the cultures of all the lands to be blown about my house as freely as possible. But I refuse to be blown off my feet by any.– Mahatma Gandhi

The New Silk Road Diplomacy in the Nineties, the Belt and Road Initiative today, and the Digital Silk Road of the future signal growing Chinese ambitions in international relations. The bold plans and visions may turn into fundaments of future Chinese domination in World affairs. However, the ways they are to be achieved indicate, that the Chinese policy-making did not adapt yet to new reality of being a leader rather than a free-rider taking advantage of other Powers’ international involvement. The goal of the chapter is to point to the limitations of PRC ambitions. Qualitatively new international reality requires qualitatively new approaches. China, if it does not realize that, despite being one of the biggest surprises in terms of dynamics of development in twentieth century, may become one of the biggest disappointments in twenty-first century. The World seems to accept the fact of growing PRC role in international dimensions. The question is, is China ready for this change not only in words but also in practice.