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Over the last four years in Spain, a strong autonomist movement (15M), based on radical democracy and mistrust of any kind of instituted politics, seems to be turning toward statist and institutionalized politics. The purpose of this paper is to answer the following questions: Can we speak of a community fetishism, as opposed to State fetishism? Do autonomist social movements have a spatial project as opposed to a State spatial project? Why do horizontal and self-management-oriented social movements turn to the conquest of the State in the current framework?

The empirical evidence for this study stems from a qualitative methodological approach. The authors used two different types of sources. First, direct observations from the authors’ own engagement in social movements in Spain from 2011 to the present are used. Second, this work is part of a systematic research on spatial dynamics and the evolution of collective action in Spain. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with activists involved in social movements from 2012 to 2015, in which time informal interviews were conducted, and documents and observational notes were also collected.

Social movements have tended to develop alternatives to state spatial projects, partially as a result of an institutional setting that has been progressively closed to political alternatives to the neoliberal state. This last point leads to the posing of politics as completely independent of the political arena of the State (community fetish). From the first square occupations to the subsequent organization in local meetings, the 15M movement was the last expression of this tendency in Spain, while the turn on State political institutions responds to the obvious limitations of community fetishism in the context of the social and political tensions of the Spanish crisis.

This analysis contributes to the current debates on social movements in two ways. First, the authors investigate a usually neglected agent in the production of spatial political projects and strategies such as social movements. Second, the specific case of the 15M movement in Spain strongly shows the contradictions and limitations of the movements, which supposedly do not aspire to replace the State’s sovereign power through the idea of community fetishism.

The purpose of this study is to critically understand and to find out the social political role of the Acehnese ulamas (Muslim scholars) in solving and coping with social issues faced by contemporary Acehnese society.

This study was conducted in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, especially in the districts of Aceh Utara, Pidie, Aceh Besar, Aceh Selatan and Aceh Timur. The locations were chosen based on the consideration of the objective conditions that many ulamas are dwelling and easily be found within these areas. Besides, the locations are historically believed as the origins of the Acehnese that are so diverse. In addition, a large number of social problems frequently arose within those regions. The subjects of this research study were a number of community determined by purposive sampling technique. The instruments used for the data collection in this research were observation, in-depth interview and library study; and interpretative understanding was also used to analyze the data.

The existence of the Acehnese ulamas represents the government’s recognition to word the traditional institutional in Aceh. However, some people think that institutions are used by government to exploit ulama as the mediator between government and society. For the Acehnese ulamas, the presence of the institution could be used to consolidate their power for the benefit of the people.

The originality of this research can be seen from the effort to explain how contemporary Acehnese society views Theologian (ulama) in solving social problems, which were little studied by previous researchers. This question is important to examine, given the position of ulama in people’s lives since the pre-independence period and during the social revolution that had occurred in Aceh until the early 1970s was very dominant. That is, even the symbolic world of Acehnese society formed through the dominance of ulama discourse has structured how people’s responses typically must be expressed.

The purpose of this paper is to describe a gaming approach to making key theoretical ideas accessible, understandable and useful for security practitioners confronting “terrorism” in the real world.

The tool is instrumental “red-team” matrix gaming: a structured way to first build and then wargame instrumental “terrorist” attack plans. The working assumption is that “terrorist” violence is designed with purpose, and that it reflects Fromkin’s understanding that terrorism is a form of jujitsu to manipulate more powerful opponents into politically and ideologically self-destructive behaviours. By designing and gaming attack plans with political objectives as the focus, practitioners quickly gain a deeper understanding of the processes of violent influence and the role of responders and decision makers. The paper is structured to, first, provide a theoretical explanation of contemporary conflict, focussing on the public support and how violence can be differently designed to political ends. On this foundation, the methods for learning are explained. A “playing-card” technique for setting students objectives in terms of psychological levers, vulnerabilities, political purposes and influence targets is described and options for participants generating scenarios outlined. Then the matrix-gaming approach, where play progresses according to the result of a dice roll applied to a probability based on the merit of participants’ competing arguments is explained with an example.

The described method of creating and wargaming terrorist attack plans offers a new and engaging method of exploring and understanding the processes of terrorism while preparing practitioners by potentially developing both their decision making and resilience.

The method described has potential value for teaching about terrorism by generally improving student engagement, preparing practitioners to respond to terrorism and wider application (of matrix gaming) to other topics.

This is a novel application of matrix gaming in a simplified format suited for classrooms.

The paper aims to examine some economical, political and health system indicators on the transmission of the COVID-19 transmission within the national system. The main objective is to investigate what are the most effective indicators which have led to the declared numbers by countries.

This study combined multiple sets of data to describe best the economical status of the health system including the government spending on the health system to draw some conclusion regarding the behavior of the pandemic.

Complex emergencies and internal conflicts negatively affected the quality of the reported cases and the size of the pandemic. The health work force was the most determinant factor of the health system. It can sometimes be impossible to understand the epidemic only with epidemiological data or health system one; economical aspects of health system and political situation have to be added to the equation.

The research according to the authors’ knowledge is the most comprehensive comparison so far that investigate the non-covid aspects from a political side in particular in complex emergencies and war situation added health system indicators.

This paper aims to present a case study investigating Chinese tourists’ perceptions of North Korea which is regarded one of the most unique tourism destinations in the world.

This exploratory study reports findings based on semi-structured interviews with 30 Chinese tourists. This study uses the cognitive-affective model to categorise destination image proposed by respondents. Data were analysed using content analysis.

The study found that the cognitive image focusses on attributes such as the country’s unique economic/political situation, unspoiled natural environment and poor infrastructure construction. Affective components centre on the friendly relationship between China and North Korea, and a comparison between North Korea’s current situation and that of China during the period of the cultural revolution.

Given the qualitative approach and exploratory nature, the results may not be generalised to the wider literature of the Chinese outbound market. This article’s theoretical contribution to destination image may be limited to Chinese cultural contexts. This study provides practical implications for promoting North Korea’s images to attract more Chinese visitors.

Cognitive-affective model, as one of the most commonly used models, was used to explore North Korea’s destination image in Chinese tourists’ eyes. In addition, this study highlights the importance of politics in influencing a country’s destination image.

这篇文章探究朝鲜作为世界上最神秘的旅游目的地之一在中国游客心目中的形象。

这个探索性研究报告的发现是基于和30位中国游客的半开放式访谈。认知情感模型被用来概括访谈对象提出的目的地形象。内容分析用来进行数据分析。

这个研究发现认知影响主要关注于国家特殊的经济、政治情况, 未受污染的自然环境和落后的基础设施建设。情感印象主要关注于中朝鲜友谊和目前的朝鲜与文化大革命时期的中国相比较。

作为探索性研究, 这篇文章的发现可能没法通用于中国出境游的市场。这篇文章的理论贡献可能局限于中国文化。这篇文章也为如何宣传朝鲜作为旅游旅游目的地来吸引中国游客提出了实际建议。

认知情感模型作为最常用的模型用来探索朝鲜在中国游客心里的目的地形象。除此之外, 这个研究强调了政治作为影响目的地形象的因素。

este documento presenta un estudio de caso que investiga las percepciones de los turistas chinos sobre Corea del Norte, considerado uno de los destinos turísticos más singulares del mundo.

este estudio exploratorio informa resultados basados en entrevistas semiestructuradas con 30 turistas chinos. Este estudio utiliza el modelo cognitivo-afectivo para clasificar la imagen de destino propuesta por los encuestados. Los datos se analizaron mediante análisis de contenido.

el estudio encontró que la imagen cognitiva se enfoca en atributos tales como la situación económica/política única del país, el entorno natural virgen y la construcción de infraestructura deficiente. Los componentes afectivos se centran en la relación amistosa entre China y Corea del Norte, y una comparación entre la situación actual de Corea del Norte y la de China durante el período de la Revolución Cultural.

de la investigación: dado el enfoque cualitativo y la naturaleza exploratoria, los resultados pueden no generalizarse a la literatura más amplia del mercado emisor chino. La contribución teórica de este artículo a la imagen de destino puede estar limitada a los contextos culturales chinos.Este estudio ofrece implicaciones prácticas para promover las imágenes de Corea del Norte para atraer a más visitantes chinos.

el modelo cognitivo-afectivo como uno de los modelos más utilizados se utilizó para explorar la imagen de destino de Corea del Norte a los ojos de los turistas chinos. Además, este estudio destaca la importancia de la política para influir en la imagen de destino de un país.

The purpose of this study is to critically understand and find out the socio-political role of the Acehnese ulamas (Muslim scholars) in solving and coping with social issues faced by contemporary Acehnese society.

This study was conducted in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, especially in the districts of Aceh Utara, Pidie, Aceh Besar, Aceh Selatan and Aceh Timur. The locations were chosen based on the consideration of the objective conditions that many ulamas were dwelling and could easily be found in these areas. Besides, the locations are historically believed as the origins of the Acehnese that are so diverse. In addition, a large number of social problems frequently arose within those regions. The subjects of this research study were a number of community determined by purposive sampling technique. The instruments used for the data collection in this research were observation, in-depth interview and library study; and interpretative understanding was also used to analyze the data.

The existence of the Acehnese ulamas represents the government’s recognition to word the traditional institutional in Aceh. However, some people think that institutions are used by the government to exploit ulama as the mediator between the government and the society. For the Acehnese ulamas, the institution could be used to consolidate their power for the benefit of the people.

The various theories discussed are considered the framework and guidance for this study, especially in terms of data collection and data analysis. The new theories and relevant references will also possibly be added to the following study.

The purpose of this paper is to determine the impact of political risk on the German solar energy industry. The authors analyze the period from 2006 to mid-2011, when the technological development of this sector was remarkable while the whole industry is depending on political support and subsidies.

The authors apply an EGARCH model assessing potential changes in conditional volatility response of solar industry stock returns following political risk events.

The results document major changes in political support of the solar industry drive capital market risk. Whereby favorable political news significantly decrease volatility response and unfavorable political news do not affect volatility response. Moreover, the authors find that the volatility response varies with the exposure to political risk. Companies with higher exposure to political risk show more significant volatility response.

Political risk affects the cost of capital of companies in this sector. Thus, managers are able to time equity measures in a way that they can determine periods when the investor's required return is low due to a reduced risk premium. The authors suggest risk reducing public policy facilitates investments in those industries and thus fosters the development and diffusion of immature technologies.

The paper helps policy makers, managers, and investors to assess the impact of political risk on the overall risk of the German solar energy sector and in a broader view of immature or high-tech industries that depend crucially on governmental support.

The purpose of this paper is to examine political marketing with regard to its different conceptualisations and dimensions, and to suggest cognate areas for empirical research efforts, especially in Sub‐Saharan Africa.

Perspectives from relevant extant literature on meaning and dimensions of political marketing are examined, and empirical examination of these perspectives in developing countries suggested.

It was found that political marketing has many conceptualisations and dimensions, and its practice may be coloured by environmental issues, especially in developing economies with weak democratic infrastructure.

Empirical investigations of political marketing in developing economies, as suggested in this paper, may be constrained by secrecy, lack of secondary data, and aparty on the part of relevant party executives, among others.

Party executives will benefit from the conceptualisations and dimensions documented in this paper. In addition, researchers and students in the areas of marketing and political science will find the research agenda a fertile ground for empirical research effort.

This paper should be of value to political party executives, electoral commissions, educators and students of marketing and political science, in addition to government executives interested in relating beneficially with their citizens and other relevant stakeholders.

The experience of the first decade of state independence changed the mood of the Ukrainian people from hope and enthusiasm to frustration and apathy. The reasons for this are manifold, including widespread corruption and the evident failure of Ukrainian democracy. For most families, the major challenge was the severe economic crisis of the 1990s. A combination of factors led to economic decline and stagnation, a dramatic decrease in the standards of living, and economic and social insecurity. Firstly, the Soviet system and its common economic space of which the Ukraine was a deeply integrated member, collapsed. Following this downfall, there was a persisting dependence on Russia in terms of oil and gas supplies. What is more, Ukrainians lacked a clear strategy for economic reforms and a political will to enforce them. Finally, a business elite, interested in suspending privatization and in blocking the implementation of a viable rule of law, was formed. Although the official unemployment rate is rather low (3.8% in 2002), the estimated rate according to the ILO (International Labour Office) methodology is over 9.8% (Uryadovy Kuryer, 28.02.2003). Estimations including those who are employed but on “administrative leave” raise the total unemployment rate to almost 24% (ILO, 2001). Permanent delays in the payments of salaries, pensions and social allowances became normal practice during the 1990s. Moreover, inflation and monetary reform devaluated the saving of most families. Economic insecurity forced many to look for low wage jobs and to enter informal and often illegal businesses. Between 1.5 and 2 million Ukrainians are working abroad, most of them in the low-skilled labor force.

The purpose of this paper is to examine music teachers' perceptions of teaching cultural and national values (also defined as national cultural values) to explore the tensions facing school music education in the choice of music types to be delivered in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

With specific regard to music teachers' perceptions of “values,” “music cultures” and “nationalism,” data were drawn from a survey questionnaire given to 343 music teachers (155 preservice and 188 in-service music teachers) and semistructured interviews with 36 of these respondents.

The findings of the study showed that though many respondents in Hong Kong and Taiwan felt comfortable teaching traditional Chinese music, they did not want to teach contemporary Mainland Chinese music and other political or patriotic forms in the school music curriculum. The data also demonstrated some shortcomings in introducing a balance of music types into the curriculum, as well as limitations in promoting national education in response to the respective sociopolitical situations in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

This study was subject to limitations regarding the potential generalizability of the findings on school music teachers' perceptions in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

The implications for teachers and student teachers regarding the development of cultural and national values related to the political processes in Hong Kong and Taiwan are complicated, because of not only their relationship with Mainland China and its education based on nationalism but also the extent of teachers' professional training to help create an enabling environment for national and cultural development.

The findings of this study revealed that there are fundamental gaps in the overt and operational curricula in Hong Kong and Taiwan concerning the sociopolitical function of values in school music education in response to their respective sociopolitical situations.