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Open Access
Article
Publication date: 31 March 2022

Rahmad Solling Hamid, Abror Abror, Suhardi M. Anwar and Andi Hartati

This study aims to examine the relationship of information quality of social media, social media reputation, social media political marketing activities, trust and political

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Abstract

Purpose

This study aims to examine the relationship of information quality of social media, social media reputation, social media political marketing activities, trust and political involvement of millennials.

Methodology

The empirical analysis was conducted using a sample of 309 millennials. This study used online survey for the data collection. After passing reliability and validity tests, the data were analyzed with partial least squares structural equation modeling.

Findings

The results show that information quality of social media has positive and significant direct influence on reputation and trust. Information quality of social media also has a significant indirect influence on trust through social media reputation. However, there is no significant relationship between information quality and political involvement. Social media political marketing activities also have a direct and indirect significant effect on political involvement through trust. Finally, trust also has a positive and significant impact on political involvement.

Practical implications

This research may contribute to the political marketing experts and politicians in increasing the quality and credibility of advertisements on social media, which will affect trust and political involvement of millennial generation. Moreover, politicians and political marketing experts who have an online-based community should optimize their marketing activities in social media to encourage positive behavior and trust from social media users.

Value

This study has shown a more comprehensive model of the relationship between information quality of social media and political involvement. This study also reveals the significant indirect effect of the trust on the relationship between information quality on social media, social media political marketing activities and political involvement.

Propósito

Este estudio examina la relación de la calidad de la información, su reputación y las actividades de marketing político desarrolladas en las redes sociales, la confianza y la participación política de los millennials.

Diseño

El análisis empírico incluye una muestra de 309 millennials encuestados online. Tras superar las pruebas de fiabilidad y validez, los datos se analizaron con (PLS-SEM).

Conclusiones

Los resultados muestran que la calidad de la información de las redes sociales tiene una influencia directa positiva y significativa en la reputación y la confianza. La calidad de la información de las redes sociales también tiene una influencia indirecta significativa en la confianza a través de la reputación de las redes sociales. Sin embargo, no existe una relación significativa entre la calidad de la información y la participación política. Las actividades de marketing político de las redes sociales también tienen un efecto significativo directo e indirecto en la participación política a través de la confianza. Por último, la confianza también tiene un impacto positivo y significativo en la participación política.

Implicaciones prácticas

Esta investigación puede contribuir a que los expertos en marketing político y los políticos aumenten la calidad y la credibilidad de los anuncios en los medios sociales, lo que afectará a la confianza y a la implicación política de la generación millennial. Además, los políticos y los expertos en marketing político que tienen una comunidad en línea deberían optimizar sus actividades de marketing en los medios sociales para fomentar un comportamiento positivo y la confianza de los usuarios de los medios sociales.

Originalidad

Este estudio muestra un modelo más completo de la relación entre la calidad de la información de los medios sociales y la implicación política. También revela el significativo efecto indirecto de la confianza en la relación entre la calidad de la información en los medios sociales, las actividades de marketing político en los medios sociales y la implicación política.

目的

本研究旨在检验千禧一代的政治参与和社会媒体的信息质量、社会媒体声誉、社会媒体政治营销活动、信任度之间的关系。

设计

本文的实证研究采用在线调查的方式, 收集了309名千禧一代样本的数据。经过信度和效度检验后, 采用偏最小二乘法结构方程模型(PLS-SEM)对数据进行分析。

研究结果

结果表明, 社交媒体的信息质量对声誉和信任有着积极且显著的直接影响, 与此同时, 社交媒体的信息质量也通过社交媒体声誉对信任产生显著的间接影响。然而, 信息质量与千禧一代的政治参与之间并没有显著关系。而社会媒体的政治营销活动通过信任对政治参与产生直接和间接的显著影响。最后, 信任对政治参与也有积极而显著的影响。

实践意义

这项研究有助于政治营销专家和政治家通过提高社交媒体广告的质量和可信度来影响千禧一代的信任和政治参与。此外, 政治家和政治营销专家应当优化社交媒体上在线社群的营销活动, 以鼓励社交媒体用户的积极行为和信任。

原创性

这项研究展示了一个比较全面的社交媒体信息质量与政治参与之间关系的模型。本研究还揭示了信任对社交媒体信息质量、社交媒体政治营销活动和政治参与之间关系的显著间接影响。

Article
Publication date: 4 June 2019

Raef Abdennadher, Lazhar Ayed and Bronwyn P. Wood

This paper aims to investigate the impact of political advertising on voter attitude and the processes of decision-making in the specific context of the inaugural democratic…

Abstract

Purpose

This paper aims to investigate the impact of political advertising on voter attitude and the processes of decision-making in the specific context of the inaugural democratic experience of post-revolutionary Tunisia.

Design/methodology/approach

The study was conducted in Tunisia, where the target respondents included Tunisian’s eligible to vote during the presidential campaign of October 2014. The study uses questionnaires for data collection using a convenience sampling technique.

Findings

The major findings of the study are that the persuasion power of advertising has a direct impact on voter involvement, trust and attitude towards voting. Specifically, involvement significantly influences a voter’s attitude. The hypothesis on the impact of trust on attitude, and the hypothesis related to the mediating role of trust and involvement were rejected.

Research limitations/implications

The study recommends specialists in political advertising and politicians themselves give consideration to the trust and involvement considerations of the Tunisian voter, to enhance and optimize the quality and credibility of political advertising in the future.

Practical implications

The research offers some interesting findings for professionals in political advertising, for companies operating in political research, or advertising agencies. In this context, advertising agencies need to give prescient consideration to the trust of the voter by developing a credible and believable discourse.

Social implications

In the context of a nascent democracy, it is very important to educate people so they become familiarized with the practices of democracy, and to give them the ability to make the right choice. The study recommends specialists in political advertising and also politicians give consideration to the trust and involvement considerations of the Tunisian voter, to enhance and optimize the quality and credibility of political advertising.

Originality/value

This research paper related to political advertising can be used to formulate appropriate political advertising strategies and to ameliorate and optimize the advertising discourse in the context of a nascent democracy.

Details

Journal of Islamic Marketing, vol. 10 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1759-0833

Keywords

Open Access
Article
Publication date: 29 April 2020

Ilkka Ruostetsaari

The purpose of this paper is to test the effects of citizens’ support for two rival and opposing conceptions of political involvement, political consumerism and stealth democracy…

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Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to test the effects of citizens’ support for two rival and opposing conceptions of political involvement, political consumerism and stealth democracy, on their attitudes about demand response (flexible consumption) and prosumerism (self-production) in the context of making of Finnish energy policy. Stealth democracy represents an established view on the role of citizens in energy policy making: the energy sector has traditionally been presented as a technocratic domain reserved for experts and businessmen. By contrast, political consumerism can be seen as an expression of “energy democracy”.

Design/methodology/approach

The data is based on a postal survey and an internet survey that were conducted in 2016 among a random sample representing Finns who were between 18 and 75 years. The dependence of the support for demand response and prosumerism on the endorsement of political consumerism and stealth democracy will be tested statistically (Pearson chi-square).

Findings

The endorsement of demand response mainly depended statistically on citizens’ attitudes towards political consumerism and stealth democracy. However, comparing electricity prices and changing electricity suppliers did not depend on adherence to political consumerism and stealth democracy. Nevertheless, in these cases, support was higher among the supporters of political consumerism than among supporters of stealth democracy. By contrast, the endorsement of prosumerism, for instance, in terms of factors that influence citizens’ decisions to invest in electricity generation in their households, depended statistically on citizens’ attitudes on political consumerism and stealth democracy.

Research limitations/implications

It might be that the variables used in this study to measure stealth democracy are not specific enough. More generally, Finns’ willingness to support for stealth democracy may be based on or at least encouraged by the misunderstandings of democratic politics: more information is needed on the level of knowledge that citizens have about normative principles of democratic decision-making processes.

Practical implications

The implication of this study for energy policy making is that there are (at least in Finland) good preconditions for developing a decentralized energy system: citizens are ready to adopt a more active role as energy citizens in terms of demand response and prosumerism – irrespective of their attitudes on macro-level attitudes on governmental institutions. Democratization of the energy system could strengthen the legitimacy of energy policy making.

Social implications

Citizens’ attitudes indicate that their potential for involvement needs to be strengthened in the spirit of energy democracy: the idea of energy democracy needs to be seen in terms of the demand for increased accountability and democratization of the energy sector that was previously not seen as requiring public involvement and was most often depoliticized and dominated by technocrats. However, strengthening energy democracy through demand response and prosumerism is not without its problems: utilization of these devices requires a relatively large amount of resources which depend on the individuals’ socio-economic position. Thus, energy democracy cannot replace but complement electoral participation as a form of energy policy involvement.

Originality/value

The contribution of this study is to fill a part of the research gap linking to ongoing energy transitions. As a socio-technical transition can take place only if citizens support and participate in it, we need to better understand citizens’ attitudes on energy consumption and production and energy policy involvement. Citizens’ attitudes on energy production and consumption are becoming more and more critical for managing the energy sector as a result of that the share of wind power and solar power is increasing in the energy system. In a decentralized energy system, citizens have to be prepared to change their modes of operation. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the originality of this study is to test the impact of citizens’ political attitudes on the endorsement of demand response and prosumerism.

Details

International Journal of Energy Sector Management, vol. 14 no. 6
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1750-6220

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 23 April 2018

Ilkka Ruostetsaari

The purpose of this study is to test citizens’ attitudes on political involvement in energy policy-making that has generally seen to be dominated by experts and business interests…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this study is to test citizens’ attitudes on political involvement in energy policy-making that has generally seen to be dominated by experts and business interests and been relatively closed to citizen involvement. The study asks whether citizens are willing to participate politically more through political consumerism (i.e., consumption choices) or through representative democracy and if citizens are willing to assign decision-making to the experts representing public administration and business, as stealth democracy asserts.

Design/methodology/approach

Methodologically, the study is based on postal surveys conducted in 2007 and 2016 among a random sample representing Finns who were 18-75 years of age.

Findings

Political consumerism and stealth democracy were not considered as alternative and detached modes for electoral participation but rather as complementary. However, adherence to stealth democracy was a reaction of people who feel powerlessness in the face of the regime, while the supporters of political consumerism had a higher trust in their ability to influence.

Originality/value

The study is the first one which empirically compares citizens’ support for these three modes of involvement, and it generates new knowledge for the scholars and decision-makers when planning citizen role in (energy) policy-making.

Details

International Journal of Energy Sector Management, vol. 12 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1750-6220

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 27 March 2020

Aiqi Wu, Xiaotong Zhong and Di Song

This paper aims to explore the influence of entrepreneur’s political involvement on private-own enterprises’ (POEs’) selection of two inter-organizational conflict resolutions…

Abstract

Purpose

This paper aims to explore the influence of entrepreneur’s political involvement on private-own enterprises’ (POEs’) selection of two inter-organizational conflict resolutions approaches (private approach and public approach), in the context of China’s transition economy.

Design/methodology/approach

Drawing on a sample of POEs operating in China’s transition economy in the year 2000, this study investigates the possible association between the entrepreneur’s political involvement and the approach chosen to resolve inter-organizational conflicts. A further step is taken to look into the implications of such a choice.

Findings

The empirical study reveals that those POEs with greater entrepreneurial political involvement have the propensity to rely on public approach. In general, POEs are more satisfied with the private approach than the public approach when managing conflicts. Besides, the study shows that the positive effects derived from the entrepreneur’s satisfaction on private approach will be weakened in more established institutions.

Originality/value

This paper has its unique contribution in highlighting the significance of how entrepreneurs’ political involvement interferes with inter-organizational conflict resolution.

Details

International Journal of Conflict Management, vol. 31 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1044-4068

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 8 July 2014

Katharina Oerder, Gerhard Blickle and James K. Summers

The purpose of this paper is to seek to predict increases in political skill, and more specifically networking ability, based on hierarchical position, time involvement, and the…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to seek to predict increases in political skill, and more specifically networking ability, based on hierarchical position, time involvement, and the moderating effects of job incumbents’ age.

Design/methodology/approach

These hypotheses were tested in a panel design with hierarchical regression analyses over two years with 150 works councillors from Germany. Self-reported political skill, time involvement, and position were measured at time 1, and political skill was measured again two years later.

Findings

Works council members increase their political skill when they hold a higher position and have more time involvement. Further, councillors’ age was found to moderate these relationships. That is, older councillors develop political skill (specifically networking ability) at a higher rate than middle aged employees.

Research limitations/implications

Future research should test the hypotheses in different populations and also include other ratings of political skill.

Practical implications

It might not always be necessary to have available relevant social skills for a new job already, as these skills can develop over time.

Social implications

Political skill is a resource at the workplace with the potential to promote fairness, health, and well-being.

Originality/value

The present findings add a new perspective to interpersonal skill development: certain job demands moderated by age can change a job incumbent's social skills, particularly networking ability, over time and make her or him more capable of doing well. Thus, it is not always necessary to have available relevant social skills for a new job, as these relevant skills can developed within the context of the new job.

Details

Journal of Managerial Psychology, vol. 29 no. 5
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0268-3946

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 13 November 2017

Pramod Iyer, Atefeh Yazdanparast and David Strutton

Political marketing is unable to reach out or influence voters as it once did. This study aims to identify means for political marketers to effectively reach to voters…

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Abstract

Purpose

Political marketing is unable to reach out or influence voters as it once did. This study aims to identify means for political marketers to effectively reach to voters. Specifically, this study examines the role of different WOM/e-WOM political messages (shallow vs deep) delivered through various communication channels on voters’ message evaluation, believability, attitude towards the message and communication, message involvement, voting intentions and WOM/e-WOM intentions.

Design/methodology/approach

Two experimental design studies were conducted to test the research hypotheses. Data were collected from age-based voting cohorts through snowball sampling and online consumer panels.

Findings

The results suggest that political WOM/e-WOM messages received via different communication modes are perceived differently by age-based voting cohorts in terms of message evaluation, believability and attitudinal dispositions. The perceived credibility of the communication source makes a difference in such evaluations and dispositions. Also, the complexity of message impacts behavioral intentions of age-based voting cohorts differently. Older (younger) voter cohorts are more receptive to complex and detailed (short and brief) messages. Political message involvement mediates the relationship between message believability and voting intentions, as well as WOM/e-WOM intentions.

Research limitations/implications

The results are limited in terms of generalizability due to the experimental nature of the studies. Future research may seek to use actual candidates and examine the effects of moderators such as the cognition-based needs of respondents to engage in central or peripheral processing.

Practical implications

Political marketers can achieve greater credibility and effectiveness and partially restore political marketing’s reputation by honoring three guidelines: construct shallower (or deeper) political marketing messages when targeting younger (or older) voting cohorts through internet-connected (or traditional) delivery modes.

Originality/value

This paper explores an important but under-researched area in political marketing (i.e. the use of WOM/e-WOM messages in political marketing) and identifies important differences in attitudinal and behavioral dispositions of age-based voting cohorts impacted by the choice of communication mode and message complexity. Moreover, the perceived credibility of the communication source (sender) can sway communication mode preferences for age-based voting cohorts.

Details

Journal of Consumer Marketing, vol. 34 no. 7
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0736-3761

Keywords

Book part
Publication date: 2 August 2023

Itoiz Rodrigo Jusué

Historically, counter-terrorism's attitude towards women has been complicated, partly because both counter-terrorism and terrorism were for many years considered almost…

Abstract

Historically, counter-terrorism's attitude towards women has been complicated, partly because both counter-terrorism and terrorism were for many years considered almost exclusively a male business. This approach has also been reflected in the media's sensationalised representation of women involved in political violence. This chapter explores how women's participation in non-state political violence is still largely explained through traditional conservative notions of sexual difference that characterise women as irrational and highly influenceable, eliminating the possibility of any informed discussion. Focusing on the British case, the chapter shows how the actions of female militants are still bound to gendered narratives and limited to specific frames that generally portray violent women as highly sexualised and pathologised. Depictions of female terrorists and ‘radicalised’ women are based on stereotypes that reinforce the image of women as weak, easily influenced, naïve, driven by romantic emotions, deceitful and in constant need of protection and supervision. From an intersectional perspective, the chapter also explores the orientalist imaginaries of Muslim women who are seen as victims and as individuals lacking empowerment and agency. The discussion highlights ultimately that explanations of women's violence must go beyond myths that explain women's involvement in political violence via a wide range of personal and emotional factors, to examine political motivations and consideration of the complexity of their decisions, and the wider context.

Details

The Emerald International Handbook of Feminist Perspectives on Women’s Acts of Violence
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-80382-255-6

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 15 August 2018

Hua Pang

The purpose of this paper is to explore the Chinese microblog users’ psychological motivations and the association between users’ motivations and their offline civic and political

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to explore the Chinese microblog users’ psychological motivations and the association between users’ motivations and their offline civic and political engagement. Specifically, this study examines what the psychological impetuses of Weibo use are and how they promote the young citizens’ civic and political involvement.

Design/methodology/approach

The data were collected through the web-based survey with a total sample of 426 people. Principal components factor analysis, correlation analysis, and hierarchical multiple regressions were sequentially carried out to address the research questions.

Findings

The findings reveal that there are four major motives for using Weibo: information, socializing, recognition seeking and entertainment. Interestingly, seeking social needs is positively and significantly related to increasing young people’s civic participation, but not political participation.

Research limitations/implications

Theoretically, the research demonstrates that the uses and gratifications is a suitable approach for analysis of psychological antecedents of Weibo use and subsequent outcomes. Practically, it will help understand the dynamics of how the new media technology may engender democratic development and change.

Originality/value

Although the growing significance of social media has drawn considerable attention, little research has been conducted to assess the political consequences of Weibo. The current study fills the void by investigating whether Weibo functions as an effective tool to facilitate democratic engagement in contemporary China. The obtained results may provide insight into the relationship between the gratification structures and engagement in other social settings.

Details

Online Information Review, vol. 42 no. 5
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1468-4527

Keywords

Book part
Publication date: 14 December 2017

Marion Coddou

Scholars have long argued that churches play a critical role in mobilizing communities marginal to the political process, primarily by pooling resources, disseminating…

Abstract

Scholars have long argued that churches play a critical role in mobilizing communities marginal to the political process, primarily by pooling resources, disseminating information, and providing opportunities for members to develop community networks, leadership, and civic skills. However, recent research suggests that churches only serve as effective mobilizing institutions when they engage in direct political discussion and recruitment. Even so, churches may face economic, legal, and institutional barriers to entering the political sphere, and explicit political speech and action remain rare. Through an analysis of two years of ethnographic fieldwork following faith-based community organizers attempting to recruit Spanish speakers throughout a Catholic Archdiocese into a campaign for immigrant rights, this paper explores the institutional constraints on church political mobilization, and how these are overcome to mobilize one of the most politically marginal groups in the United States today: Hispanic undocumented immigrants and their allies. I argue that scholars of political engagement must look beyond the structural features of organizations to consider the effects of their institutionalized domains and practices. While churches do face institutional barriers to political mobilization, activists who specialize their recruitment strategy to match the institutional practices of the organizations they target can effectively overcome these barriers to mobilize politically alienated populations.

Details

On the Cross Road of Polity, Political Elites and Mobilization
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78635-480-8

Keywords

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