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1 – 10 of over 54000Marcus Phipps, Jan Brace‐Govan and Colin Jevons
The democratic political product is complex and untangible. An underlying assumption of a democratic system is the involvement of voters, or consumers, but with contemporary…
Abstract
Purpose
The democratic political product is complex and untangible. An underlying assumption of a democratic system is the involvement of voters, or consumers, but with contemporary political apathy this aspect is relatively unacknowledged. This paper aims to explore the role of the consumer in political branding.
Design/methodology/approach
Two contrasting case studies compare the balance between the corporate brand of the political party and the brand image of two different kinds of local politician. Aaker's “Brand Equity Ten” is adapted to provide a suitable conceptual framework for the case study comparison.
Findings
Investigating the interaction between the community and politicians drew out important implications for the political brand. The paper concludes that managing the political brand entails a recognition of the inherent duality that resides in the political product. In an environment of reduced differentiation of political offerings to the electoral marketplace it is important for politicians and the political party to make early decisions about which aspect of this brand duality best serves individual careers and the party. Key to this decision is the opinion‐leading role of politically aware consumers.
Research limitations/implications
This research shows that an individual politician's brand can compete with or enhance the corporate political party brand, which implies that political branding must take into account the communication role of the highly involved consumer.
Originality/value
This paper examines the under‐researched area of consumer contribution to political branding. The role of highly involved political consumers in constituency politics is clearly shown to affect the politician's brand equity. This leads to a re‐conceptualisation of the politician's brand vis‐à‐vis the political party brand.
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Richard L. Flight and Kesha Coker
In today’s world of heightened sociopolitical issues, consumer political ideologies may determine the nature of consumer-brand relationships. Consumers seek out self-affirming…
Abstract
Purpose
In today’s world of heightened sociopolitical issues, consumer political ideologies may determine the nature of consumer-brand relationships. Consumers seek out self-affirming agents (e.g. friends, family and community) to bolster their beliefs, which help develop their sense of self. Increasingly, they also choose brands that fit into and support their worldview alongside other agents. Yet, little is known about the role of consumer political ideologies in shaping consumer behavior and consumer-brand relationships. This study aims to address this gap by exploring alternative political ideologies for market segmentation and brand attachment analysis.
Design/methodology/approach
This research uses an online survey for data collection that generated 819 usable responses. Respondents answered questions about their political orientations and then rated their attachment to 66 unique brands. This research uses cluster analysis to establish market segments using libertarian, authoritarian, conservative and liberal political ideologies, then between-group analyzes are used to determine significant differences in brand attachment.
Findings
Analysis reveals three clusters of consumers termed, conservative-libertarian, liberal-authoritarian and moderates. In 53% of the brands evaluated, the market segments’ degree of brand attachment differed significantly. Meanwhile, moderates demonstrate an overall stronger average brand attachment than the other market segments.
Research limitations/implications
Findings suggest that shared political ideology provides a viable means to segment a market adding to the psychographic tools already available to brand managers. Findings also suggest that consumer political ideologies help inform brand attachment levels.
Practical implications
Given the ability to segment a market on political ideology, it is found that different segments demonstrate varying levels of brand attachment. In practical terms, using political ideology as a segmenting tool helps define a market segment and has a differentiable effect on attraction toward the brand. Thus, political ideology may be considered as brands position themselves and engage in corporate sociopolitical activism.
Originality/value
This research provides unique insights into consumer political ideology as an alternative segmentation tool and its role in understanding brand attachment.
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Martin Haupt, Stefanie Wannow, Linda Marquardt, Jana Shanice Graubner and Alexander Haas
Through activism, brands participate in the sociopolitical controversies that shape society today. Based on social identity theory, this study aims to examine the moderating…
Abstract
Purpose
Through activism, brands participate in the sociopolitical controversies that shape society today. Based on social identity theory, this study aims to examine the moderating effects of consumer–brand identification (CBI) and political ideology in explaining consumer responses to brand activism. Furthermore, the role of perceived marginalization that can arise in the case of consumer–brand disagreement is explored.
Design/methodology/approach
The hypothesized effects were tested in three experiments. Study 1 (n = 262) and Study 2 (n = 322) used a moderation analysis, which was supplemented by a mixed design analysis with repeated measures in Study 1. In Study 3 (n = 383), the mediating effect of perceived marginalization by the brand was tested using a moderated mediation model.
Findings
The results show that strong CBI as well as a conservative ideology buffer the negative effects of consumer–brand disagreement on brand attitude and word-of-mouth intentions. In the case of agreement with a brand’s stance, no direct or interactive effects of brand activism on consumer responses occur. Perceived marginalization by a brand mediates the effects of brand activism.
Originality/value
This study extends the “love is blind” versus “love becomes hate” debate to the realm of brand activism and finds evidence for the former effect. It also contributes to the research on political consumption by highlighting the role of political ideology as an important boundary condition for brand activism. Perceived marginalization is identified as a relevant risk for activist brands.
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Marylouise Caldwell, Steve Elliot, Paul Henry and Marcus O'Connor
Despite consumers being essential stakeholders in the exponential growth of the sharing economy, consumers’ attitudes towards their rights and responsibilities are relatively…
Abstract
Purpose
Despite consumers being essential stakeholders in the exponential growth of the sharing economy, consumers’ attitudes towards their rights and responsibilities are relatively unknown. This study aims to test a novel hypothesised model mapping consumers’ attitudes towards their consumer rights and responsibilities with that of their political ideology (liberalism, conservatism and libertarianism) and moral foundations (avoiding harm/fairness, in-group/loyalty, authority/respect and purity/sanctity).
Design/methodology/approach
Two survey studies were conducted with consumers of the Uber ride share service; the first being to test measures of political ideology and consumer rights/responsibilities. These measures were then taken into the second study along with the Moral Foundations Questionnaire. The hypothesised model was tested using structural equation modelling.
Findings
The findings suggest that political ideology associates with similarities and differences in how consumers perceive their rights and responsibilities in the sharing economy, including mutual self-regulation. Support for these findings is established by identifying links with specific moral foundations.
Research limitations/implications
This study considers a single participant in the sharing economy.
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The majority of research to date has focused on how to leverage the effectiveness of in-game marketing campaigns. However, the author’s understanding of how to segment consumers…
Abstract
Purpose
The majority of research to date has focused on how to leverage the effectiveness of in-game marketing campaigns. However, the author’s understanding of how to segment consumers for game consumption is limited. This research aims to focus on how consumers’ political ideology could influence consumers’ game choices.
Design/methodology/approach
This study used one state-level Google trend data and two experiments to show the effect of political ideology on consumers’ game choice.
Findings
This study found that liberals prefer non-persistent world games and conservatives prefer persistent world games. These effects occur because consumers’ political ideology alters their motivation to search for new opportunities, and this motivation, in turn, determines their choices. Finally, this study demonstrates the moderating role of brand familiarity in the effect of political ideology on game choice.
Research limitations/implications
This study offers a new angle for game and marketing research about how consumers’ beliefs such as political ideology can change consumers' thoughts and preferences about games.
Practical implications
This study offers new insight into the gaming industry and marketers. They can use political ideology as a new and effective way to segment consumers.
Social implications
These findings offer important insights into the ubiquitous nature of games in consumers’ everyday lives by detailing how political ideology influences game choice.
Originality/value
This paper fulfills an identified need to study how an important industry such as gaming can be effectively segmented through an important factor such as political ideology.
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The purpose of this paper is to deepen and add nuance to previous explorations of the voter‐consumer analogy in order to generate new insights into wider applications of the…
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to deepen and add nuance to previous explorations of the voter‐consumer analogy in order to generate new insights into wider applications of the marketing concept.
Design/methodology/approach
A conceptual analysis is supplemented and enriched with insights from a non‐representative case of voter responses to political advertising.
Findings
Findings suggest that limitations to the voter‐consumer analogy revolve around the differing contexts of marketing in each case and reflect differing audience responses at the micro‐level.
Research limitations/implications
The empirical component of this study is not representative or generalizable. However, it is used not to verify generalizations but to add qualitative insights to the conceptual discussion. Findings suggest that research which applies the marketing concept to non‐commercial settings, especially political marketing but also possibly extending to social marketing, non‐profit and public sector marketing, should be cautious in assuming that consumers of non‐commercial marketing respond in the same way to marketing initiatives as consumers of commercial marketing.
Practical implications
The research has implications for the application of the marketing concept in political and other non‐commercial contexts.
Originality/value
The application of the marketing concept in non‐commercial settings as well as commercial settings has become so common it is often taken for granted. Yet the behaviour, attitudes and responses of consumers in these different settings may diverge in important ways at the micro‐level. Explorations of the applicability of the marketing concept in different settings are relatively rare and this paper adds a previously unpublished empirical aspect to an original conceptual analysis which aligns secondary research from disparate sources in political science and cultural studies as well as marketing.
Amparo Novo Vázquez and Isabel García-Espejo
The actions of the political consumer of food may be manifested either through boycotting or through deliberate purchase of certain products based on ethical, environmental or…
Abstract
Purpose
The actions of the political consumer of food may be manifested either through boycotting or through deliberate purchase of certain products based on ethical, environmental or political values (buycotting). This article has several objectives: to analyse which factors predict the behaviour of political consumers of food; to examine how they perceive that their actions can contribute to social or political change and that the political system will respond to their interests and to people's needs and to discover whether, for the political consumer of food, good citizen behaviour comes closer to the norms of the socially “engaged” or “dutiful”.
Design/methodology/approach
A national survey of 1,000 people was conducted in Spain. For the analysis of the data, logistic regression models were developed to determine the factors that most influenced the boycott or deliberate purchase. To address the relationship between food consumption in the political arena and political effectiveness and citizenship standards, the authors have conducted factor analyses of the main components.
Findings
The main results show political food consumers to be people who are interested in politics, distrust government and big business, are confident in their ability to influence these groups to change practices that are not in line with their values and have a high degree of social engagement.
Social implications
Consumers are demanding a fairer and more supportive agri-food production system, a healthier and more environmentally friendly diet and accountability from both the private sector and policymakers.
Originality/value
These data represent progress in the study of this form of political action in Spain as there are no precedents.
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Aimee Riedel, Rory Mulcahy and Gavin Northey
This paper aims, first, to examine artificial intelligence (AI) vs human delivery of financial advice; second, to examine the serial mediating roles of emotion and trust between…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper aims, first, to examine artificial intelligence (AI) vs human delivery of financial advice; second, to examine the serial mediating roles of emotion and trust between AI use in the financial service industry and their impact upon marketing outcomes including word of mouth (WOM) and brand attitude; and third, to examine how political ideology moderates' consumers' reactions to AI financial service delivery.
Design/methodology/approach
A review of the extant literature is conducted, yielding seven hypotheses underpinned by affect-as-information theory. The hypotheses are tested via three online scenario-based experiments (n = 801) using Process Macro.
Findings
The results of the three experiments reveal consumers experience lower levels of positive emotions, specifically, affection, when financial advice is provided by AI in comparison to human employees. Secondly, across the three experiments, conservative consumers are shown to perceive somewhat similar levels of affection in financial advice provided by AI and human employees. Whereas liberal consumers perceive significantly lower levels of affection when serviced by AI in comparison to conservatives and human employee financial advice. Thirdly, results reveal affection and trust to be serial mediators which explain consumers' WOM and brand attitudes when financial services are provided by AI. Fourthly, the investment type plays an important role in consumers’ reactions to the use of AI.
Originality/value
To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this research is one of the first to study political ideology as a potential moderator of consumers’ responses to AI in financial services, providing novel contributions to the literature. It further contributes unique insights by examining emotional responses to AI and human financial advice for different amounts and types of investments using a comprehensive approach of examining both valence and discrete emotions to identify affection as a key explanatory emotion. The study further sheds insights relating to how emotions (affection) and trust mediate the relationship between AI and WOM, and brand attitudes, demonstrating an affect-attitude psychological sequence that explains consumers’ reactions to AI in financial services.
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Georgiana Grigore and Mike Molesworth
This chapter theorizes the outrageous consumer response that may follow the communication of political corporate social responsibility (CSR). We consider two recent cases…
Abstract
This chapter theorizes the outrageous consumer response that may follow the communication of political corporate social responsibility (CSR). We consider two recent cases (Starbucks’s offer to hire refugees and Pepsi’s appropriation of protest movements in an ad) and how consumers-citizens reacted when these corporations communicated political issues. By drawing from psychoanalytic concepts, we illustrate how consumers’ outrage, expressed in angry social media comments, and in the creation and sharing of memes, is cathartic of unconscious repressed matter: the realization of their own powerless and the domination of corporations. We further note how these expressions of outrage may be understood to result from defense mechanisms such as denial, displacement, or more complex sublimation that help consumers maintain a position of passive domination by corporations. Like all psychoanalytic applications, our interpretation represents only a plausible metaphor that can explain the “irrational” behavior of consumers. Positivist traditions of CSR theorization may demand further causal studies to confirm the ideas we express. Our study is an original exploration of what underlies consumer responses to political CSR. These cases could inform academics and practitioners working in the business and society arena asking them to re-evaluate whether and how political CSR should be communicated, and the implications of the rapid diffusion of messages in social media that include mocking parody and offensive brand comments.
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Jonas Holmqvist, Yves Van Vaerenbergh and Christian Grönroos
The service management literature emphasizes the importance of communication, but language difficulties can make communicating in business settings more difficult. The purpose of…
Abstract
Purpose
The service management literature emphasizes the importance of communication, but language difficulties can make communicating in business settings more difficult. The purpose of this paper is to address consumer willingness to communicate in a second language to identity the antecedents that drive consumer language preferences.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper presents the findings from two empirical studies in two multilingual countries with a total of 361 adult respondents.
Findings
The findings show perceived control to be the strongest antecedent of consumer willingness to communicate in a second language, and identifies second language skills as an antecedent in countries with little political tensions related to language, while political considerations is a strong antecedent in countries where language use is political.
Research limitations/implications
The studies are limited to countries with more than one official language. While multilingual countries make up around two-third of the world's population, future research could test whether the same antecedents are applicable in monolingual societies.
Practical implications
The findings help managers to understand in which situations consumers may be willing to switch language, and in which situations it is important to serve consumers in more than one language.
Originality/value
The paper is the first to draw upon both the service management literature and the sociolinguistic literature to develop and test a model to explain consumer language preferences. This model may help managers to develop strategies for customer service in multilingual markets.
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