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The purpose of this paper is to develop a theoretical framework to explain the failure in public management of wholesale policy transfer from well developed to developing economies.

The paper relies extensively on organizational surveys and specialized interviews in both jurisdictions, as well as on a review of government (primary) and other institutional documents. It is qualitative in nature.

The paper reveals that the context in which public sector reform policies are implemented matters. In short, the environment (with structural and contextual variables) is an essential element in the success of policies. It highlights important factors such as culture, institutional dynamism, the role of the external actors, etc. as issues that must be carefully looked at in the development and implementation of reform policies.

The number of cases needs to be expanded to further confirm the results. Furthermore, before it is possible to generalize about the theory's applicability, it is necessary to test the theoretical framework by examining the issue of policy transfer among developing countries.

The findings point to the need for theorists, policy makers, and policy implementers to be open‐minded as they attempt to develop and implement policies for public sector reforms in different circumstances. They thus emphasize the need to adapt reforms to a particular environment rather than pursuing a one‐size‐fits‐all approach. The paper thus argues that the most appropriate management strategies for reforms must be cognizant of local environmental conditions so as to tailor policies that fit the environment.

The paper contributes to both theory and practice by participating in the discussion on what must be considered administrative reforms. The paper will be of interest to those searching for ways to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of public sector organizations through reforms and, in particular, of performance management, as well as to stakeholders interested in well‐functioning public sector organizations.

This paper proposes that if a political system is more like to facilitate a unified government, to establish a strong executive body and to respond to the needs of the majority, financial reforms are more likely to emerge from the policymaking process and produce positive results. On the contrary, political systems that discourage those governing features are less likely to produce reforms. This chapter compares financial reform processes in China, Taiwan and New Zealand. All of them performed low level of financial reforms in the early 1980s but resulted in different situations later. In the mid-2000s, New Zealand heralded the most efficient and stable financial system; while Taiwan lagged behind and China performed the worst. Evidence showed that China’s authoritarian system may be the most superior in forming a unified government with a strong executive, but the policy priority often responds more to the interests of a small group of power elites; therefore the result of financial reform can be limited. Taiwan’s presidential system can produce greater financial reform when the ruling party controls both executive and legislative bodies, but legislative obstructions may occur under a divided government. New Zealand's Westminster system produces the most effective and efficient financial reform due to its unified government and a strong executive branch with consistent and stable supports from the New Zealand Parliament.

Both Bolivia and Uruguay broke ranks with the global drug prohibition regime by introducing novel drug policies. State control of the production and supply of coca and cannabis represents a clear departure from both the spirit and the letter of the international drug conventions. Although, the rationale, processes and outcomes of policy change were distinctive in many regards, this chapter posits that there are conceptual resemblances. In both countries, the leadership of a charismatic and idiosyncratic president has to be considered. Furthermore, in both countries, mobilisation and activism were also decisive. Lastly, in both countries novel drug policy responded to specific problems that decision-makers faced. Approaching drug policy reforms in Bolivia and Uruguay in terms of personal leadership, mobilisation and policy problems provides a useful analytical first-cut to assess the continuity and change in drug policy observable elsewhere. Additionally, scrutinising the reasons and motivations for undertaking drug policy reform also allows to better understand each country’s behaviour on the international stage.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the reform of initial teacher education (ITE) policy in Australia over a 25-year period from 1998 to 2023. It examines policy shifts and movements over this timeframe and aims to better understand the ongoing reforms in the changing contexts of their times.

The paper engages a critical policy historiography approach, focusing on four “policy moments” each linked to a review commissioned by the Commonwealth government of the day. It draws upon the reports and government responses themselves, along with media reports, extracts from Hansard, and ministerial speeches, press releases and interviews related to each of the four policy moments, asking critical questions about the “public issues” and “private troubles” (Gale, 2001) of each moment and aiming to shed light on the complexities of these accounts of policy and the trajectory they represent.

The paper charts the construction of the problem of ITE in Australia over time, highlighting the discursive continuities and shifts since 1998. It traces the constitution of both policy problems and solutions to explain the current policy settlement using a historical lens.

Its value lies in offering a reading of the current policy settlement, based on a close and systematic historical analysis. Where previous research has focused either on particular moments or concepts in ITE reform, this analysis seeks to understand the current policy settlement by taking a longer, contextualised view.

The two East Asian developmental states of Japan and South Korea share very similar familialistic male breadwinner welfare regimes. However, in the recent years, both countries have made significant social policy reforms that are gradually modulating their familialistic male breadwinner welfare regimes. Both countries have extended public support for the family and women by provisioning, regulating, and coordinating childcare, elder care, and work‐family reconciliation programs. At the same time, labour market deregulation reforms have also made employment more insecure, and created greater pressures on women to seek and maintain paid work outside the home. The purpose of this paper is to compare recent social policy reforms in Japan and Korea and discuss their implications for welfare state changes and gender equality. More specifically, it asks whether this signals the end of the old developmental state paradigm and a shift to a more gender equal policy regime.

To answer this question, the paper examines recent social policy reforms in conjunction with economic and labour market policy reforms that have also been introduced since 1990.

The analysis of social and economic policy reforms in Japan and South Korea shows a combination of both progressive and instrumentalist motivations behind social care expansions in these countries. Social care reforms in both countries were responses to the evident need for more welfare and gender equality determined by the structural and ideational changes that were taking place. But they were also a remodelling of the earlier developmental state policy framework. Indeed, social care expansions were not merely timely family friendly social policies that aimed to address new social risks; they were also important complements to the employment policy reforms that were being introduced at the same time. By investing in the family, the Japanese and Korean governments sought to mobilize women's human capital, encourage higher fertility, and facilitate job creation in social welfare and care services.

This paper shows how Japanese and South Korean developmental states might be changing and remodelling themselves in the recent decades, and how new social policies are evolving in close coordination with economic and labor market policy reforms.

The purpose of this paper is to specify some historical and current issue regarding this subject. Like, what has been the relative importance attached to the different aspects of policy; what has been the pace and progress of reform process.

The paper begins with a short discussion of the background of the study and overview of post‐independence economic policy. Hence it is a descriptive study that it finds some data from government site. This paper is thought to provide more reliable information about above impacts for policy makers and State and Central Government.

The paper specifically focuses upon economic reforms and social justice in India, issues relating to the progress of economic reforms, need of reforms for human face. More generally, the paper suggests that government should make relatively limited use of key performance Indicators for economic reforms and have high‐level participation rates benchmarking for social justice exercises.

Some implications are the timing of the various policies and, more importantly, their sequencing and the relative importance attached to the different aspects of policy, in as much as domestic priorities relating to the provision of education, health and employment, globalization of the economy.

The paper can help to promote administrative, managerial, and financial support for economic reforms and social justice in India and emphasis the responsibility to the state and central to enlarge reforms opportunities and encourage economic development.

Indian Government decides to accelerate the rate of economic growth and to speed up industrialization, to develop heavy industries, to reduce disparities in income and wealth through economic reforms and social justice.

This article analyzes the economic policy reform experience of three less developed countries (LDCs) during the 1980s -- Costa Rica, Ghana and Jamaica -- in three policy areas, exchange rate, trade, and agriculture. A political management model that shows how strong but skillful political leadership is as critical to policy reform success as is economic content is used for the analysis. The model proposes that government officials have to make policy reforms politically feasible if the reforms are to succeed. The assumption is that successful decision makers will take three kinds of political initiatives: (1) appeal to national sentiments, (2) seek the collaboration of affected interest groups, and (3) manage external actors. The article provides evidence that the economic perfomance of three countries correlated with the degree of political initiative taken. Costa Rican policy elites demonstrated the highest level of 1initiative. Ghana ranked second in political management, and Jamaica ranked third. The success of some LDCs also provides instructive experience for the Clinton Administration as it moves forward with a variety of policy reforms.

The chaebols in Korea contained some problems. One is that they have represented a disturbing concentration of market power. There is no evidence of the big firms colluding; for the most part they compete fiercely. But, taken together, the four biggest chaebols, Hyundai, Samsung, Daewoo and LG, employ only 3 per cent of the workforce while accounting for almost a third of the total sales of all South Korean companies. These four groups alone handle nearly 60 per cent of total exports. The concentration of ownership is tighter still, the families that founded the top 30 chaebols still own perhaps 60 per cent of their combined equity. The formation of chaebol and its developing process will be reviewed and some points of their systematic problems will be summarized in this paper. Adjustment cost and equity on the reform of chaebol also will be discussed. It is natural to argue that the productive efficiency engaged in super size enterprise group should be one of the objectives which inflict large costs on the economy. It can be suggested that more reform would be efficient in choosing a new system. Professional management seems to be one of the practically efficient outcomes. As a efficient policy, it will withstand future policy challenges better than the status quo. In terms of economic efficiency and equity as well, professional management systems which clean out illegal behaviour consistently may represent an optimal mix as long as they are under the present system.

Since the late 1970s the public sector in Britain has been subject to major reforms, which have been consistent with the prominent international trend of bringing new public management into government. The police service has escaped significant reform, particularly when compared with other policy areas. But in 1993 the Conservative government put forward a series of police reform measures, corresponding largely to the tenets of new public management. However, despite political commitment to reform, the implementation of many of the reform proposals has been successfully resisted by the police. Provides an explanation of the attempt to reform the police service by using a policy networks approach.

The purpose of this paper is to present the contexts for the four papers selected in the area of policy and institutional reforms in India. The two decades of reforms in India have lead to research from multiple perspectives and have thrown up rich repository of knowledge; and the selected papers form part of its continuum. The paper presents a brief overview on the aspects and thrust of these reforms in developed economies, and the learnings. This overview provides the frameworks for understanding reforms in emerging economies. There have been gains but it is still being debated. But, what is concerning policy makers and academicians is the pressure from developed economies and global think tanks to mimic them, when the advantages are still unclear.

This paper provides a conceptual overview and tries to present the overall framework in which the four papers have to be appreciated. The context itself is tuned to the focus of these papers. The selected papers cover a wide spectrum of domain and reform interventions. The approach is to weave together these papers around the theme of policy and institutional reforms in terms of instruments of interventions and their effectiveness. It also throws up issues for future research.

This paper can summarize the findings of these studies it emerges that various attempts are being in the realm of reform with different levels of effectiveness. These are also in different stages of implementation. The papers indicate that while there are gains from reforms, the full potential could not be reached or it is too early to say.

The relevance of this paper and the four papers that it presents are at two levels. First is the direct learning from these studies in their areas of focus. Second is in terms of discerning the common thread of reforms that runs through these papers; in terms of their content, implementation, and effectiveness. These attempts are fairly representative of the reform story that is emerging from India.