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By implementing various forms of preference policies, countries around the world intervene in their economies for their own political and economic purposes. Likewise, twenty-five states in the U.S. have implemented in-state preference policies (NASPO, 2012) to protect and support their own vendors from out-of-state competition to achieve similar purposes. The purpose of this paper is to show the connection between protectionist public policy instruments noted in the international trade literature and the in-state preference policies within the United States. This paper argues that the reasons and the rationales for adopting these preference policies in international trade and the states' contexts are similar. Given the similarity in policy outcomes, the paper further argues that the international trade literature provides an overarching explanation to help understand what states could expect in applying in-state preference policies.

This paper aims to answer the question: What are the impacts of implementing in-state procurement preference policies on the economy of the state of South Carolina?

Toevaluate the impacts, the following six economic indicators were analyzed: jobs, personal income, real disposable income, output (sales), gross state product and value added. The data were collected from the South Carolina Procurement Services Office and were then analyzed using the Regional Economic Model Policy Insight (REMI PI+) for economic forecasting and policy analysis. The results from the REMI PI+ showed that implementing in-state preference policies benefitted the state and its communities economically.

Specifically, from 2010 until 2017, the total economic impact of implementing preference policies generated $17m in total output, 135 total job-years, $10.22m in gross state product (GSP), $10.27m in value added, $7.52m in income and $5.14m in real disposable personal income. The impact on the wholesale trade industry was over $5m in total industry output and approximately 27 jobs-years. In the manufacturing sector, the total impact was over $4m in output and approximately 17 jobs-years. The impact on the construction industry was approximately $3m in output and approximately 30 jobs-years. Although the values of these economic indicators were very small compared to the size of the state economy, they did outweigh the direct cost of implementing preference policies, thus demonstrating that overall the in-state preference policies contributed to South Carolina’s economy. However, further research is warranted to identify more precisely the benefits and costs of implementing preference policies.

This study aims to explore the effects of political information and anger on the public's cognitive processing and foreign policy preferences concerning third‐party interventions in ethnic conflict.

The study employs an experimental design, wherein the authors manipulate policy‐specific information by generating ad hoc political information related to ethnic conflict. The statistical methods of analysis are logistic regression and analysis of covariance.

The results demonstrate that both political information and anger have a significant impact on an individual's cognitive processing and policy preferences regarding ethnic conflict interventions. Specifically, political information increases one's proclivity to choose non‐military policy options, whereas anger instigates support for aggressive policies. Both factors result in faster decision making with lower amounts of information accessed. However, the interaction of political information and anger is not significant. The study also finds that policy‐specific information – rather than general political information – influences the public's policy preferences.

This study confronts and advances the debate over whether political information is significant in influencing the public's foreign policy preferences and, if so, whether such an effect is the product of general or domain‐specific information. It also addresses an under‐studied topic – the emotive repercussions of ethnic conflicts among potential third‐party interveners. In addition, it tackles the argument over whether political information immunizes people against (or sensitizes them to) the effects of anger on their cognitive processing and foreign policy preferences. The study also introduces a novel approach for examining political information through an experimental manipulation of policy‐specific information.

Examines the relationships between cultural values and preferences for human resource management (HRM) policies and practices in a sample of Taiwanese employees. Specifically, seeks to examine patterns of Chinese national culture in Taiwan, to identify the preferences of employees for specific HRM policies and practices, and to explore the extent to which individual cultural value orientations shape individual preferences for HRM policies and practices. Presents findings from data based on 452 employees from the shopfloor to senior management positions in seven Taiwanese organisations. By controlling the measure of national culture in terms of value orientations, it is found that they account for from only 5 per cent to 10 per cent of the total individual variance in HRM preference. A factor analysis supports the view that national culture value orientations represent a separate construct to both work values and more traditional measures of work outcomes, such as job satisfaction and commitment.

Evaluation of energy and climate policy interactions is a complex issue, whereas stakeholders' preferences incorporation has not been addressed systematically. The purpose of this paper is to present an integrated weighting methodology that has been developed in order to incorporate weighting preferences into an ex ante evaluation of climate and energy policy interactions.

A multi‐criteria analysis (MCA) weighting methodology which combines pair‐wise comparisons and ratio importance weighting methods has been elaborated. It initially introduces the users to the evaluation process through a warming up holistic approach for an initial rank of the criteria and then facilitates them to express their ratio relative importance in pair‐wise comparisons of criteria by providing them an interactive mean with verbal, numerical and visual representation of their preferences. Moreover, it provides a ranking consistency test where users can see the degree of (in)consistency of their preferences.

Stakeholders and experts in the energy policy field who tested the methodology stated their approval and satisfaction for the combination of both ranking and pair‐wise comparison techniques, since it allows the gradual approach to the evaluation problem. In addition, main difficulties in MCA weights elicitation processes were overcome.

The methodology is tested by a small sample of stakeholders, whereas a larger sample, a broader range of stakeholders and applications on different climate policy evaluation cases merit further research.

The novel aspect of the developed methodology consists of the combination of ranking and pair‐wise comparison techniques for the elicitation of stakeholders' preferences.

Spain is typically considered a familialistic country where the family is the main responsible for individuals’ well-being. Recent demographic, socioeconomic and policy changes raise the question to what extent familialism is regarded as the preferred care arrangement in society or whether more state support is considered legitimate. The purpose of this paper is to analyse individual preferences among Spanish residents regarding care responsibility for pre-school children and the frail elderly, and the factors that influence such preferences.

Representative data from the 2012 International Social Survey Programme are used (n=1419). Six patterns of care responsibility that capture preferences regarding who, between the family or the state, should provide and pay for the care of pre-school children and the frail elderly are identified. Logistic regressions are performed on each care responsibility pattern to analyse the factors influencing individuals’ preferences.

Multiple preferences coexist and state responsibility is often preferred over family responsibility, especially for elderly-care. It suggests that the tendency to rely on the family in Spain is due to insufficient support rather than to familialistic values. Individuals who usually bear most care work responsibilities, such as women and individuals in caring ages, or those with a poor health, high care load or low income consider there should be extra-family support. Individuals’ values also matter: the least religious, the most supportive of maternal employment and left-wing voters are most likely to reject traditional care arrangements.

This is the first study to analyse both elderly- and childcare policy preferences in one single study. It shows that childcare is more often seen as a family responsibility than elderly care.

The promotion of new energy vehicles (EVs) is an effective way to achieve low carbon emission reduction. This paper aims to investigate the optimal pricing of automotive supply chain members in the context of dual policy implementation while considering consumers' low-carbon preferences.

This article takes manufacturers, retailers and consumers in a main three-level supply chain as the research object. Stackelberg game theory is used as the theoretical guidance. A game model in which the manufacturer is the leader and the retailer is the follower is established. The author also considered the impact of carbon tax policies, subsidy policies and consumer preferences on the results. Furthermore, the author investigates the optimal decision-making problem under the profit maximization model.

Through model solving, it is found that the pricing of EVs is positively correlated with the unit price of carbon and the amount of subsidies. The following conclusions can be obtained by numerical analysis of each parameter. Changes in carbon prices have a greater impact on conventional gasoline vehicles. Based on the numerical analysis of parameter β, it is also found that when the government subsidizes consumers, supply chain members will increase their prices to obtain partial subsidies. Compared with retailers, low-carbon preferences have a greater impact on manufacturers.

The new energy automobile industry involves many policies, including tax cuts, tax exemptions and subsidies. The policy environment faced by the members of a supply chain is complex and diverse. Therefore, the analysis in this article is based only on partial policies.

The authors innovatively combine the three factors of subsidy policy, carbon tax policy and consumer low-carbon preference, with research on the pricing of EVs. The influence of policy factors and consumer preferences on the pricing of EVs is studied.

Economists have long sought methods whereby efficient collective decisions can be made. When a group is confronted with the problem of choosing one policy from several alternatives, some decision‐making mechanism must be employed. Whether the mechanism is choice by democratic vote, the whim of the reigning dictator, coin tossing, or some other, the choice is made by the application of some decision‐making mechanism.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how upstream social marketing may benefit from social media citizensourcing and improve understanding of community preferences and attitudes to policy. Using the case of shark management in New South Wales, Australia, this paper aims to understand community attitudes toward shark management policy-making and policymakers.

In February 2017, more than 11,200 comments were sourced from Facebook and Twitter using Netvizz, a data extraction tool. To analyze these comments, the study used an abductive framework using social marketing, wildlife and coexistence and policy literature, to determine context, themes and sub-themes. This was combined with Appraisal, a systemic functional linguistics framework, advocating a social reference for coding and analyzing community attitudes and preference.

Preferences for non-lethal measures over lethal or potentially lethal measures were noted, with new technologies highly favored. The online communities wanted a policy that was respectful of human and marine life and focused on patrolled or popular beaches. The main negative comments made related to perceived knee-jerk reactions and poor communication surrounding decision-making. People held little confidence in politicians’ skills and abilities to solve complex and multi-faceted problems, demanding less top-down decision-making and greater community input into policy formation.

This approach could assist upstream social marketers better understand social and community attitudes and preferences toward policy.

The study demonstrated that listening to community through digital channels can assist upstream social marketing understand community preferences and attitudes to policies and the policy-making process. Using abduction further broadens the perspective of the researchers in assigning meaning to commentary.

Cross‐cultural variations in the international ethical environment has the potential to hamper the international activities of the unwary international retailer. This study investigated differences in preferences for policies addressing potentially ethically troublesome retail sales situations among future business personnel from two differing cultures. The results suggest the existence of cultural differences in such preferences. Implications are discussed.