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The police require the cooperation of the public to ensure security in society. People cooperate with the police because they share norms and values reflected in the law and police action. Police face challenges in obtaining the cooperation of the public. There are studies examining the relationship between the legitimacy of the police and cooperation with the police. Using Tankebe's (2013) model of legitimacy as a multidimensional concept, this study examines the relationship between legitimacy and cooperation with the police in India.

For examining the relationship, the study uses data collected from a survey of 705 victims of crime in India who had interacted with the police. The research questions were examined using structural equation modeling (SEM).

On the basis of the analyses, the study concludes that legitimacy is a multidimensional concept encompassing police lawfulness, procedural justice, distributive justice and effectiveness. The legitimacy of the police has both a direct impact on cooperation with the police and the obligation to obey as a mediating variable. The study indicates that legitimacy is an important antecedent to cooperation with the police, which has significant policy implications.

The study is significant as there are no studies examining the relationship between the legitimacy of police and cooperation with the police in India, which is a non-Western developing country and the largest democracy in the world. The present research is the first study of this nature.

Recently, the interest of scholars studying procedural justice in policing has shifted from the relationship between procedural justice and citizen compliance to trust in police officers’ perceptions of who exercises it. This study explores the relationship between organizational justice and the perception of procedural justice from the perspective of police officers. Furthermore, it investigates the mediating roles of discretion and responsiveness.

Using 441 survey responses from South Korean police officers, a mediation model is outlined and tested using structural equation modeling (SEM). The results showed that police officers’ perceptions of organizational justice had indirect effects on the perceived importance of procedural justice. Moreover, discretion and responsiveness mediate the relationship between organizational justice and perceived procedural justice.

Officers who perceive police fairness are more likely to have a positive perception of procedural justice toward citizens when they have a higher level of discretion and responsiveness. However, police officers’ perceptions of organizational justice are not directly linked to their perceptions of procedural justice.

This study contributes to the generalization of knowledge by empirically testing Van Craen’s theoretical model of the Korean police. It also expands the existing theoretical model by investigating the influence of overall organizational justice and its possible mediators on procedural justice.

Notes that the practice of Japanese management contributed to Japan’s renovation from the ashes of the Second World War to become one of the world’s economic leaders, and at the same time, expand the proficiency of Japanese police administration. Identifies, through Ouchi’s Management Theory Z, three commonalties to Japanese police operations and the practices of Japanese corporations: groupism, seniority, and non‐specialized career paths. Concludes with a discussion on implementing Japanese management and policing with American community‐oriented policing.

Addresses a long‐standing debate as to whether or not college‐educated police officers perform their jobs better than others. Of the 250 officers asked to complete a self‐assessment form, officers with a bachelor’s degree rated themselves higher in a number of performance indicators than did those without a degree. Points out that the results may indicate that educated officers perform better, or it may indicate differences in perceptions about their duties. Whichever is the case, education confers the advantage of better written and oral communication skills. Recommends the use of self‐administered questionnaires to provide data for policy making.

The last number of years has seen a growing importance placed on media relations by police forces throughout the UK. This has resulted in an increased concern with public relations practice and in particular that area focused on media relations. This study centres on Strathclyde Police, the largest force in Scotland and among the largest in the UK. Outside of the Metroplitan Police, Strathclyde, has been throughout the 1990s at the forefront in developing more pro‐active media relations strategies. This paper examines the development of the Spotlight Intiative which attempted to tackle low level, quality of life crime (in some quarters associated with the phrase “zero tolerance”). Central to Spotlight has been the development of a more systematic and structured approach to public relations focused on the role of the media, specifically local and Scottish national newspapers, in communicating with local communities. This research argues that the growing importance of media relations at the Strathclyde force has broader implications for police‐media relations throughout the UK.

This paper aims to critically examine the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force to determine if the policy is capable of curbing corruption in the Nigerian Police Force.

The analysis took the form of a desk study, which analyzed various documents and reports such as the report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the National Bureau of Statistics titled “Corruption in Nigeria – Bribery: Public Experience and Response,” Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2017, the report by the International Police Science Association and the Institute for Economics and Peace.

This paper determined that the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force could achieve its desired objectives if the following recommendations are implemented: The Nigeria Police Reform Trust Fund bill should be given accelerated consideration in the Senate and House of Representatives based on its urgency and significance for the new lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. There is need for the Nigerian Police to have enough funds to conduct trainings for police personnel who are chosen as examiners for the lie detector tests. The Nigerian National Assembly will need to pass an Act to provide for the licensing of detection of deception examiners – commonly known as polygraph or lie detector operators – and regulation of that profession. The act should set forth the conditions under which persons may be admitted to practice detection of deception with a polygraph, the standards they must observe and the types of polygraph devices that they may henceforth be used lawfully. This is what was done in the State of Illinois. The Nigeria Police Force is advised to make use of two examiners for the lie detector test: one in-house examiner and one external examiner. The external examiner may be from another country in which corruption is not at a high rate, and must be someone of high integrity and professional competence. This measure may reduce the risk of bribery and corruption in the system. It will also bring more integrity and transparency into the system. The external examiner may also carry out “on the job training” with the in-house examiner while the polygraph exercise is going on. The Nigeria Police Force must make a new policy that mandates that all transactions relating to the purchase of polygraph machines must be conducted in an open and fair manner that recognizes the need for the transaction to be done directly with the seller, and not through a sales agent. This policy may help prevent a situation where a corrupt sales agent connives with a corrupt police officer to defraud the police unit. An ongoing approach to screening should be considered for specific positions, as circumstances change, or for a comprehensive review of departmental staff over a period. The Nigeria Police Force should have a policy that mandates that the lie detector test should be taken once in five years by all staff of the Nigeria Police Force. For staff in very sensitive positions, the lie detector test should be taken every three years. This will enable the lie detector policy to be more effective. Let us take, for example, a person passes the lie detector test genuinely without any influence of corruption; there is still a possibility that the person may change over time. The temptation to follow current employees to collect bribes is very high. But if the Nigeria Police Force put a policy in place that mandates every police personnel to take the lie detector test every five years starting from the first five years after recruitment, the cankerworm called corruption may be curbed effectively. Imagine if every police personnel knew that they were going to be asked by an examiner, five years after working, to confirm if they ever collected bribe during the time they served in the police force; most employees will desist from taking bribes or engaging in corrupt acts. The above measure will ensure that current employees who are chosen as examiners for the lie detector tests are fit and proper persons for the job.

This paper focuses on the new lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. It does not address the other anti-corruption policies of the Nigeria Police Force.

This paper offers a critical analysis of the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. It will provide recommendations on how the policy could be strengthened. This is the only paper to adopt this kind of approach.

Questions a sample of criminal justice students to show that when officer competence is evaluated in terms of professionalism rather than confrontational issues, bias against women is not found, whereas evaluation variables based on potentially violent situations promote the belief that women are not as well fitted as men for constant exposure to violent confrontation. Cautions against the danger of presenting discrete images of a male “brute force” and a female “professional force”. Finds indications that increased recruitment of women, gender sensitivity training and a higher level of officers’ education may change existing attitudes toward the police.

Focuses on the issue of force by the police and points out differences between police brutality and police torture. Discusses the factors which can affect the levels of police brutality.

This paper seeks to critique the Winfree and Taylor report on rural, small town, and metropolitan police in New Zealand.

Compares and contrasts the conclusions to some earlier findings of Jaeger in her research on increasing the diversity of the New Zealand police. The question asked is: “Can universal research methodology on classical policing and community policing be applied carte blanche to organizational studies in New Zealand without ‘local’ input?”.

Jaeger's research, through in‐depth interviews of twenty ethnic police officers, suggested possible alternative conclusions that were not apparent when Winfree and Taylor, reporting from a distance, applied detailed statistical analysis to a 1996 dataset. The paper suggests that a combination of the two approaches might lead to a more complete and truthful representation of the reality.

Critiques an earlier report on the police in New Zealand published in Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management.

The delivery of neighbourhood policing across England and Wales relies heavily on the increasing number of police community support officers (PCSOs). This study focused on the residents' perceptions of PCSOs and on their views of the impact these officers had on the level of crime and antisocial behaviour (ASB) within the Halton Borough Council area, a unitary local authority in the northwest of England. It used a self‐completion postal questionnaire, which was distributed to 2,100 randomly selected, residential addresses across the borough. In the main, the residents who responded did not know their local PCSO, and felt that locally, crime was not as big an issue as that identified in the British Crime Survey (BCS) 2007‐08 (Kershaw et al, 2008:10). They did feel, however, that six of the seven quality of life issues surveyed by this local survey were worse in Halton than the national picture portrayed by the BCS. The residents did not know that PCSOs impacted on the issues concerning them locally, or perceived that they did not. Despite these perceptions, the vast majority of the respondents would welcome greater numbers of PCSOs.