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Sponsors claim that ambush marketing damages the integrity and financial basis of an event, however, definitions of “ambushing” remain ambiguous, particularly where more than oneparty lays claim to specific images. When the New Zealand Rugby Football Union (NZRFU) changed its official apparel supplier from Canterbury International Limited (CIL) to adidas, CIL argued it was entitled to draw on its past involvement with the All Blacks. This paper explores ambush marketing in NZRFU v CILand concludes by offering suggestions that couldreduce the likelihood of similar situations arising

Acceptance of the benefits of market segmentation is so pervasive that it seems almost sacrilegious to question the validity of this faith in the power of segmentation as a marketing tool. But, at the risk of being labelled heretics, argues that segmentation is not the marketers’ nirvana it is sometimes made out to be. Discusses a number of assumptions and arbitrary decisions involved in the segmentation process, including beliefs about the selection of base variables, the analysis method chosen, the number and composition of segments, the validity of the solution and its stability over time. Reviews techniques for assessing the reliability of the outcome, and concludes that managers should be more aware of the limitations of segmentation studies.

This study used choice modelling to estimate the effect of odd pricing on the demand for three products: a $4 can of fly spray, a $7 block of cheese, and a $50 electric kettle, with each product represented by three different brands. For cheese and fly spray a significant odd‐price effect was observed at 99 cents but not at 95 cents, whereas for the electric kettles a significant odd‐price effect occurred at 95 cents but not at 99 cents. The estimated value of the odd‐pricing effect ranged from 4 cents for fly spray, to 6 cents for cheese, to $3.18 for the kettles. The results of the study provide empirical support for the assumption that odd pricing generates greater‐than‐expected demand, at least at the individual brand level, and for the common practice of setting retail prices that end in 95 cents or 99 cents.

A growing number of studies have suggested that consumers hold very similar beliefs about the brands they use within a product category. This implies that experience, rather than marketing activity, leads consumers to associate attributes with brands. Replicates and extends earlier studies and addresses methodological criticisms directed at that work. Our findings reveal that descriptive attributes can be successfully predicted and they confirm that the usage level of a brand typically determines the proportion of consumers who hold favourable attitudes about that brand. The results question the popular emphasis on positioning and brand differentiation and we conclude by suggesting more behaviourally oriented strategies.

The purpose of this paper is to report the results of two experiments designed to examine the effect on consumers of the way in which price discount messages are expressed, or “framed”.

Both studies involved stated‐preference choice modelling experiments. The aim of the first experiment was to test the hypothesis that a price reduction framed in dollar terms is more effective for high‐priced items, whereas a price reduction framed as a percent discount is more effective for lower‐priced items. The aim of the second experiment was to determine which of four alternative ways of expressing the same 33 per cent price discount – cents off, percent discount, or one of two volume discounts – is most effective.

For two “low‐priced” items, potato chips and cola drinks, the framing of a price discount had little or no effect. However, for two ”high‐priced” items, stereos and computers, framing a discount in dollar terms was significantly more effective than expressing it as a percent off discount. For three fast moving consumer goods the most effective framing of the same price discount depended on whether the product concerned was amenable to stockpiling. For tinned spaghetti, which is relatively cheap and easy to store, volume discounting was more attractive than a monetary discount, whereas for bottled water and semi‐soft butter, which are more expensive and bulkier, the opposite was true.

For high‐priced products, it is better to express price discounts as dollars or cents off than as a percentage off; the opposite may be true for low‐priced products, but this is much less certain. However, if using a volume promotion, “buy x get one free” is likely to be more effective than “y for the price of x”.

The purpose of this paper is to test whether, in the context of blood donation, the predictive ability of the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) extends from behavioural intention to actual donation behaviour, and whether extended versions of the TPB perform better than the standard version.

Intentions to donate blood predicted by the TPB are compared with an accurate measure of blood donation behaviour obtained following a mobile blood drive by the New Zealand Blood Service.

When the observed outcome is donation behaviour rather than behavioural intention, the TPB model's performance drops. Extending the variables in the model to include moral obligation and past behaviour does not improve its predictive ability, and neither does the use of belief‐based variables.

The TPB is much less effective in predicting blood donation behaviour than it is in predicting intentions to donate blood. But only actual donation behaviour yields medical supplies. This study suggests that to advance the goal of increasing donation rates, attention needs to turn to methods other than the TPB to identify variables that do predict donation behaviour.

The present study gathered one of the largest samples used for TPB blood donation research; this enabled predictions made using the TPB to be tested against actual behaviour, rather than behavioural intention, the measure typically used in blood donation studies. Because blood donation is a low‐incidence behaviour, previous studies have been hampered by small sample sizes, that inevitably contain few donors, and no measure of actual donation behaviour.

The tobacco industry consistently opposes measures that would limit their marketing, but provides little empirical evidence to support its position. This paper aims to test claims that pictorial health warnings on tobacco products would be no more effective than text‐only warnings.

Three studies used face‐to‐face interviews with smokers and non‐smokers to compare pictorial and text‐only warnings. Two studies used semantic differential scales to estimate cognitive and affective responses to pictorial and text‐only warnings, and the Juster Scale to provide behavioural estimates. The final study used best worst scaling to compare paired pictorial and text‐only warnings.

Images featuring medical and social images elicited stronger affective, cognitive and behavioural responses than a control, text‐only message. Comparisons of refreshed text and pictorial warnings found the latter elicited stronger reactions while the former produced similar results to the control. Updating text warnings did not render these more effective; however, adding an image to an existing text warning made this more effective than the control.

Arguments advanced by the tobacco industry need empirical analysis to assess their validity.

This study provides evidence that pictorial health warnings are more effective than text warnings and suggests that refreshing the text used in warning labels, the alternative promoted by the tobacco industry, would be less effective than introducing pictorial warnings.

This is the first comparison of pictorial and refreshed text warnings; the findings challenge the tobacco industry's position on tobacco warning labels and contradict arguments used to oppose the introduction of pictorial warning labels.

Presents the findings of a study designed to investigate the effect of odd pricing on respondents’ purchase probabilities for six products ranging in price from $5 to $100. The products tested were a block of cheese, a frozen chicken, a box of chocolates, a hair dryer, an electric kettle and a food blender, and the data were collected in a mall intercept of 300 household shoppers. For each product a demand curve was estimated and the differences between expected and actual purchase probabilities at each odd price level examined. For all six products, demand was higher than expected at one or both of the odd price points tested. This effect was particularly marked for the lower‐priced food items (cheese, chicken and chocolates) and for prices ending in the digit 9. Provides support for the assumption that odd pricing generates greater than expected demand and for the common practice of setting retail prices which end in 99 cents or $99.