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Job loss and long-term unemployment can have pervasive negative impacts on well-being. At its most extreme, unemployment is accompanied by feelings of shame, humiliation, insecurity, and worthlessness, as well as damage to cherished identities and narratives of self. Scholars have investigated how the unemployed attempt to repair these damaged identities, but little is known about how network members participate in the identity reconstruction process. Social support has been shown to ameliorate the negative psychological effects of unemployment, but studies have also found that the unemployed are reluctant to ask for assistance and often perceive network members as a source of stress rather than as a source of support. To understand why social support can be experienced both positively and negatively by the unemployed, we draw upon 84 in-depth qualitative interviews with men and women who experienced unemployment during the extended economic downturn associated with the Great Recession. We find that social support ameliorates unemployment when it bolsters identities important to recipients, and exacerbates unemployment when it undermines such identities. We also show how the unemployed respond to identity-threatening support: by avoiding it, rejecting it, or reframing it as reciprocity. Our analysis contributes new insights into the relationship between social support and identities, as well as a deeper understanding of the noneconomic costs of the slow economic recovery following the Great Recession.

On 26th February, 1995 much of the UK merchant banking group Barings was placed in administration following a failed attempt by the Bank of England to find a buyer in the wake of massive losses incurred on unauthorised trades. The group, however, was subsequently bought by the Dutch financial services group ING. While recognising that many parties contributed, directly or indirectly, to the collapse of Barings, this paper focuses on the role played by the Bank of England as the main UK supervisor of the Group. It draws upon the findings of the official enquiries conducted in both the UK (by the Board of Banking Supervision) and Singapore (on behalf of the Singapore Ministry of Finance).

To be able to make sense of “Learning for Leadership” it is necessary to understand each of these vast subjects i.e. Learning and Leadership. Details the results of a research programme over a number of years that looks at leadership from a management development viewpoint to identify what needs to be done in order to improve the quality of leadership in organizations. Looks at some of the key elements of leadership and some leadership behaviour, then at learning and some of the most important methods of learning, and finally brings the two strands together to look at “Learning for Leadership”. Research has focused on what helps and hinders this learning and examples of these factors are given. Mentions various learning methods, particularly concerning “Social Influence” learning and the effect of the behaviour at the workplace of key people upon the learning and adoption of leadership behaviours.

Aims to substantiate a previous study conducted in 1960 which explored the links between work and non‐work activities. Three types of links between leisure and work activity were proposed: compensation, spillover and segmental participation. Reports on a 1992 survey which examined the links observed from data gathered from 301 managers. There is evidence to support the view that segmental participation is the main link and that compensation and spillover are the minor links. Analysis of the percentages, modes and correlations all suggest that independent management development is edged to the margins by each link and in distinctive ways.

‘All you needed was one mutant cell. It was the perfect environment for a cancer to grow rapidly and it grew into a tumour beyond all proportions. Before we knew it, it had killed the whole body.’ Trader, Barings Securities, Singapore