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This is the second set of lecture notes from courses in public finance published in an archival volume in this series. Volume 19-C (2001) was entirely devoted to notes from lectures by E. R. A. Seligman at Columbia University. Two differences mark Seligman’s lectures and the lectures by Henry C. Simons at Chicago, as reported below. Seligman seems to have been lecturing primarily to students in tax administration, hence he presented very little economic theory; whereas Simons was lecturing to graduate students in economics, and presented relatively more theory. Seligman did not refrain from some passing of judgment but his lectures were largely descriptive and non-judgmental; whereas Simons has no hesitation in presenting his own normative approach on various issues. These issues tended strongly to focus on inequality, tax justice, and progressivity.

To explore income inequality in urban China, this paper investigates disparities between- and within-urban locals and rural migrants from 2002 to 2013, using three waves of the China Household Income Project (CHIP) data. While the existing literature concentrates on the wage disparity between these two groups, our results show that the Gini among the migrants increased by 17.86% between 2007 and 2013 and that among the locals increased by 15.54% from 2002 to 2007. The urban–migrant average income gap decreased during the whole period mainly due to higher growth in migrants’ average income. Estimates based on Mincerian earnings functions for both groups reveal the significant role of the education, occupation and type of contract in determining the within-group inequality. In addition, using a recentred influence function (RIF), we observe that short-term and other types of contracts, duration of the job, in-system ownership, marriage and skill have inequality-enhancing effects for migrants. The variation of skills has a larger impact on the income disparity among migrants than on that among urban locals. The RIF-based Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition of the mean difference of incomes shows that labour market discrimination between the two groups is not significant; however, both pure explained and unexplained differences are significant when applying the RIF decomposition to the variance of the logarithms of incomes. While the type of contract significantly reduces the pure explained difference between migrants and urban locals, occupation has a positive impact on this difference between these two groups. The heterogenity analysis shows that the factors influencing incomes in these two groups are different. We recommend labour market intervention to reduce unreasonable occupational and sectoral disparities, especially in the net inflow provinces, to mitigate urban inequality in China effectively.

William Baumol famously introduced the “cost disease” according to which the relative price of services vis-á-vis manufactured goods keeps rising because of a negative productivity differential between services and manufacturing industries. Empirical evidence strongly supports the predictions of Baumol’s model of “unbalanced growth” as we show in this article. Baumol was convinced that the cost disease need not have fatal consequences for growing economies as they can afford to earmark ever-higher shares of GDP to pay for services like healthcare and education if the overall “pie” keeps growing. Then, consumption of goods may rise as well even if its share in GDP steadily declines. However, income inequality has surged since the 1980s; and the rising price of vital services means that lower-income strata may be increasingly unable to pay for them. In this article, we develop the nexus between the cost disease and rising income inequality and sketch the ensuing challenges for social policy.

The problems involved in trying to measure the effect of the budget on the distribution of lifetime income are reviewed. A comparison is made of the likely differences between the stylised facts of annual incidence studies and the possible lifetime impact of the budget. Annual studies show that redistribution to the poor occurs, primarily as a result of pensions. It is likely that the lifetime incidence of the budget is broadly neutral since pensions will not accrue mainly to the lowest deciles when a lifetime income perspective is taken.

In the long and endless debate on changes in the distribution of income, agreement appears to have been reached on the view that inequality decreased before and soon after World War II, but that the trend towards greater equality did not continue during the 1960s. While perhaps this inference can be supported by the income size data we have, it is worth looking more closely at the evidence which can be derived from existing statistics on income distribution. The object of this article is to review and describe the post‐war changes in the distribution of pre‐tax income in the United Kingdom. As I will show, there is room for different conclusions. However, if it is with the worse off that we should be concerned, no support comes from the data for the thesis that income inequality decreased in the 1950s but not in the 1960s. Rather, the opposite appears to be true.

This paper analyses the relative inequality of the personal income distribution in the EU15 and Member countries using the European Community Household Panel (1994–2001). We select well-known measures like the Gini and Atkinson indices and calculate the 95 percent confidence intervals. Whenever possible we identify unambiguous rankings; when this is not possible we explain the differences through their inequality sensitivity and normative meaning.

We find an important regional differences in income inequality when comparing Southern European countries with the Northern and Central European ones. In 2001, Southern Europe and the United Kingdom are the most unequal countries in spite of the fact that the majority of these countries enjoyed decreasing income inequality over the time period studied.

The poverty rate in Malaysia has dropped tremendously, whereas income inequality has followed an upward and downward trend. Beginning 1957/58 until 1990, Malaysia has completed one cycle of Kuznets Inverted‐U Hypothesis. However, since the 1990s income inequality is beginning to move upward again. One of the major concerned by the government in line to reduce poverty and income inequality is the role of education. Inequality in educational attainment may contribute inequality in income distribution. This paper attempts to analyze trend of income inequality and poverty in Malaysia. The main objectives of this paper are to look at the distribution of employment by educational status and the relationship between educational attainments amongst employees with income inequality.

By construction, income inequality measures employed in well-being analysis presume all individual differences to be deleterious to the social good. Yet some differences, for example, those acceptable to all and necessary for optimal resource allocation in producing that well-being, are demonstrably beneficial. Measured inequality is an amalgam of both deleterious or ‘Bad’ and beneficial or ‘Good’ differences, and from both policy and well-being measurement perspectives, distinguishing between types with measures fit for purpose makes sense, especially if the types are taking different paths. Here, as an exemplar, the distinction is explored in considering the progress of human resource, gender, and immigrant status-based personal income differences in twenty-first-century Canada. Categorising human resource-based differences as efficiency promoting ‘Good’ inequalities and gender and immigrant status-based differences as discriminatory and ‘Bad’ reveals that, under all proposed measures, while aggregate and ‘Good’ inequality grew over the sample period, ‘Bad’ inequality diminished, reinforcing the case for inequality measures that are fit for purpose.

Dissatisfaction with the current federal tax system is fostering serious interest in several tax reform plans such as a value-added tax (VAT), a flat tax, and a national retail sales tax. Recently, one of the former Republican presidential candidates, Herman Cain, initiated a 999 tax plan. As illustrated on Cain’s official website, the 999 plan intends to replace current federal taxes with a 9% business flat tax, a 9% individual flat tax, and a 9% national sales tax. We examine the distributional effects of the 999 tax plan, as well as the current system it intends to replace, under both annual income and lifetime income approaches. Global measures of progressivity and bootstrap-t confidence intervals suggest that the current federal tax system is progressive while Cain’s 999 tax plan is regressive under the annual income approach. Under the lifetime income approach, both the current federal tax system and Cain’s 999 tax plan show progressivity. However, the current federal tax system is more progressive. The findings in this study suggest that Cain’s 999 tax plan should be considered more seriously and further analysis of the 999 tax plan is warranted.