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For over three decades, Afghanistan has been a battleground in which many of the states of the wider neighbourhood have been involved. The importance of fostering a concerted effort for Afghan peace and stability is widely agreed upon, yet such a process remains difficult to bring about. Some analysts emphasize states and their security relationships, seeing Afghanistan as an ‘insulator’ caught between different regional state systems, each with a strong dynamic of its own. Other analysts emphasize various transnational networks and see Afghanistan as the ‘core’ of a larger conflict formation. This chapter takes as its starting point the former perspective, which has been codified by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver (2003) as the regional security complex (RSC) approach. The chapter examines the security dynamics of each of the regions surrounding Afghanistan – South Asia, the Persian Gulf and South Asia – adopting a comparative and historical perspective, with an emphasis on the period since the late 1970s. It concludes that each of Afghanistan's three surrounding regions is characterized by deep security concerns of its own. These concerns nonetheless inform the engagement of neighbouring countries in Afghanistan, which then comes to reflect conflicts and cleavages specific to the respective regions. One central implication is that a more promising strategy for Afghanistan might be to seek a unilateral non-offensive or neutral status, rather than full security integration with its neighbours. Although such a strategy would necessitate the creation of a forum for Afghanistan's neighbours to foster understanding for the Afghan position, it represents a dramatic departure from mainstream policy proposals with their emphasis on an integrated regional approach.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of institutional repository (IR) developments that are taking place in the Arabian Gulf Region.

The data were mainly drawn from various sources on the internet and by e‐mail contact with the authors' acquaintances in several universities and institutions of the Arabian Gulf region. The approach takes the form of a general review of the open access and IR developments in the Arabian Gulf region.

The study finds that open access and IR developments are at the early stages in the Arabian Gulf region. There is an imperative need to spur the developments in these areas in order to derive utmost benefits to both researchers/stakeholders and institutions.

The study covers educational institutions of higher learning and research of the Gulf Cooperation countries only, which include Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sultanate of Oman and the United Arab Emirates.

The paper makes a few recommendations, which when implemented, will hopefully further spur the open access and IR developments in the Arabian Gulf region.

The lack of information on open access and IR in the Arabian Gulf region, plus the current interest of the King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals University (KFUPM) stakeholders in establishing an IR led to the development of this study. Hopefully, this study will contribute to the already scarce literature in the area of open access and IR fields in the Arabian Gulf region.

Hospitality has been an evident characteristic of Iranian society since ancient times. This chapter discusses the meaning of hospitality from the perspective of the cultural and traditional beliefs present in Iranian literature, religious beliefs, and food customs and deliveries. Reviewing the history of hospitality in Iran yields considerable evidence that this tradition dates to ancient times. This chapter shows that Iranian hospitality has been overlooked in research and suggests that exploring diverse aspects of it can aid tourism practitioners identify areas with potential and improve quality of service in its delivery.

By combining geopolitical and economic factors and from a geoeconomic perspective, the importance of Gwadar to China and Pakistan is discussed in detail. By applying geoeconomic approach and based on the historical approach, geographical and geopolitical conditions and international development trends of Gwadar port, the authors develop the analytical framework to analyze the Gwadar port and studied its importance in the development of China and Pakistan, as well as the positive influence on the economic growth of both countries.

A geoeconomic study is done to run a more profound and more comprehensive analysis of China–Pakistan economic relationship, as geoeconomic includes interrelations of geographical, geopolitical and economic factors in international relations.

The results show that Gwadar Port's development could enhance the economic security of both China and Pakistan. With the opening of Gwadar Port, oil and energy in the Middle East will be imported directly to China through Pakistan's oil pipeline. This is not only oil but also goods from Central Asia, and even Europe and the USA will land from Gwadar Port and enter China through the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The development of Gwadar port under the CPEC program could also dramatically increase the capacity of Pakistan's maritime trade while reducing its dependence on the current largest port, Karachi, near the India border.

Geo-economics theory is used to run a more profound and more comprehensive analysis of China–Pakistan economic relationship as geoeconomic includes interrelations of geographical, location, geopolitical and economic factors in international relations. By combining geopolitical and economic factors and from a geoeconomic perspective, this study seeks to analyze the Gwadar port development and its implications for both China and Pakistan.

In this chapter, I explain the key trends in defense spending and arms procurement in the Middle East and test whether those trends were subject to Louis F. Richardson's action-reaction model. I assessed the “guns-versus-butter” trade-off and the future prospects for peace in the region in light of these trends. I explained the danger of transferring weapons knowledge and technology to non-state actors in the Middle East. I investigate the trend in defense spending based on Richardson's action-reaction model by considering rival pairs in each subregion: Algeria–Morocco in North Africa; Egypt–Israel, Jordan–Israel, and Syria–Israel in the frontline states; United Arab Emirates–Iran in the Arab–Persian Gulf; and Pakistan–India in the Indian subcontinent. I used ordinary least squares (OLS) method in testing those dyads. I used military expenditure data from the SIPRI Yearbook: World Armament and Disarmament published annually by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. I conclude the study with policy implications and recommendations for achieving permanent peace in the region.

The paper aims to give an interesting insight into the rise in event bidding and delivery of sports mega‐events from Qatar and the Middle East. This paper seeks to examine the shift in government policies and citizen relationships in the Middle East and Gulf Region, focusing on the specific case of Qatar from its staging of the 15th Asian Games in 2006 to present.

The paper begins with an overview of the main literature on the importance of sport events as a vehicle for securing global profile for cities and nations. The paper draws upon the authors' participation at the 15th Asian Games and interviews conducted there and latterly, desk‐based research involving scrutiny of Qatar's recent policy pronouncements and published materials pertaining to sporting events in the intervening period since the 2006 Games.

The findings are presented in the form of a case study, using the Asian Games as a starting point and finishing with Qatar's latest bids for sporting mega‐events. The paper presents a conceptual analysis of the situation in Doha and reveals a ten‐year strategy from Qatar to set itself apart from its neighbors in bidding to host mega‐sporting events and in its progress in terms of civil rights for women. This has allowed wider participation in sport and ensured Qatar can bid for the most prestigious global sporting events.

This paper adds to the wider public policy discussion and contributes to the body of knowledge in this area. The authors have written extensively on events policy but believe issues of democracy versus ruling states, emotional bidding and awarding to such states will continue to rise over the coming years and these have significant implications for both event owners in awarding such bids but also for policy makers in legitimizing bidding for such events in this context.

The paper reveals that the currency of awarding events to countries in the Middle East, Africa and South America is politically and socially important and of major interest to both the public and academics at present.

It is generally believed that Middle Eastern countries are homogenous. Although this belief holds some truth, Middle Eastern countries have more differences than similarities. They differ in language, race, psychology, perception of threats, historical and colonial backgrounds, and political and economic developments. Realizing these differences, I expect that these countries have varying perceptions and interpretations of external threats and different methods of dealing with those threats. It is theoretically implausible to contemplate a general trend in defense spending across Middle Eastern countries; however, it is theoretically sound to view several broad trends within the region.

One of the consequences of globalisation is the proliferation of interactions between professionals of organisations from different cultural backgrounds. This is certainly true for construction project managers working in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, and the aim here is to provide foundation evidence regarding first, the existence of a distinct organisational culture and, second, the perceived culture type.

Data collected through questionnaire-based interviews with 96 construction project managers in the GCC countries was analysed by applying the Organisational Culture Assessment Instrument (OCAI, Cameron and Quinn, 2006) and empirical statistics.

The OCAI was found to be a useful tool to determine a profession's culture, and, confirming what has so far been anecdotal evidence, the findings indicate that both the group and hierarchy cultures are dominant culture types among construction project managers in the GCC countries.

The confirmation of the dominant culture types gives increased confidence to practitioners to develop effective cultural diversity management regarding professional interactions with construction project managers in the GCC countries.

The findings contribute to the body of knowledge by proving that construction project managers in the GCC countries perceive a dominant blend of group and hierarchy cultures.