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Recent developments in US rhetoric and policy advocating the militarisation and marketisation of outer space challenge the global commons values and regimes that developed partly in response to decolonisation. These regimes embodied aspirations to post-colonial distributive justice, as well as to international management for peaceful purposes. The purpose of this paper is to argue that global commons values should be defended against these challenges in order to avoid the risk of exporting colonial legacies of injustice into outer space.

This paper is an exercise in normative International Political Theory and so develops normative arguments by drawing on approaches in political theory and international law.

This paper demonstrates that the commons values endorsed in the aftermath of colonialism retain their relevance in a global politics that remains structured by post-colonial power relations. This paper also demonstrates that these commons values have evolved and found expression in central elements of international law, persisting as resources to be drawn on in normative argument.

This study places recent moves to assert US hegemony in space in the context of persistent post-colonial power relations and develops novel arguments in renewed support of commons values.

Central to Martha Nussbaum's development of the capability approach into a theory of social and global justice is her addition of the notion of a capability threshold below which no dignified human life can be lived. This capability threshold identifies a standard for distributive justice that any decent political order must secure for all citizens. It is this threshold that is the intended focus of this paper.

Examining her most recent statement of the capability approach, Nussbaum's arguments that the threshold should be locally set by each nation in accordance with their history and traditions, and that all nations currently fail to satisfy the threshold condition, are assessed.

This paper shows that if Nussbaum's arguments are accepted, then the central function of a threshold as a tool of discrimination is undermined. If all nations fail to meet their locally set threshold, then there is no clear basis for the global redistribution that Nussbaum regards as necessary. Indeed, what basis there is could even justify counter‐intuitive redistribution from poorer to richer nations.

This paper concludes that if the capability approach is to be developed into a theory of social justice, then, rather than being set locally at different levels, the capability threshold may need to be a genuinely global one. Only then can the threshold discriminate between unjust political orders and those that are at least minimally just.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the different types of work and to examine how they are related with open innovation, either by carrying out relationships with companies or external agents, or through the outsourcing of qualified and creative work.

After the theoretical analysis of the different types of work, the empirical study uses qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to analyze the different variables and their relations which favor open innovation.

The combination of the variables in the QCA makes it possible to obtain three paths among the characteristics of the qualified work and open innovation, with a positive empirical result. The general conclusion is that the motivation level of the qualified work is relevant for open innovation.

The study has some limitations, notably the reliability of the measurement of the variables, based on the subjective assessment of the respondent employee. The limited number of cases is always a question to be considered, although the statistical results show consistency in the results.

The most important implication for practice is the relevant connection between the internal efficiency in the management of the different types of work and open innovation.

The originality and value of this paper consist in relating the internal efficiency in the work management with the effectiveness and success of open innovation.

This article aims to provide a response to the papers in this issue.

The methodology employed is philosophical.

In her response, Nussbaum thanks the authors for their contributions and addresses their most salient arguments.

Nussbaum in this article responds to the papers in this issue of IJSE and addresses the authors' most salient arguments.

State leaders’ decision-making calculus is often attributed to external factors. The political arena, international community pressure and a country’s military stance all take centre stage in the analysis of national security decisions. Little weight is given to personal aspects of a leader’s psyche in explaining these decisions; this is true to the bulk of the research regarding this topic. This study theorizes and tests a positive link between Israeli leaders’ combat military experience and their propensity to enter into ‘peacemaking’ decisions namely, peace talks, cease fires and unilateral withdrawals. This research uses a new database comprising all peacemaking decision points in Israel’s history, looking at the pressure put on a leader from outside factors and his military experience to explain the decision taken. It finds a strong significant link between combat experience and the tendency to enter in a peacemaking decision with little regard to ideological affiliation, shedding a new light on Israeli politicians from both sides of the aisle.

This chapter explores how scholars have conceptualized the relationship between Latin American populism and democracy. It analyzes different approaches to populism such as modernization and dependency theory, and current approaches that focus on discourse analysis and/or political strategies. The chapter focuses on the current wave of radical populism to explore the continuities and differences between “classical” populism of leaders such as Juan Perón, the “neopopulism” of Alberto Fujimori, and the radical populism of Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa.

During the past twenty‐five years the importance of chemistry as applied to the practical affairs of everyday life has increased. In every Secondary School of repute, chemistry now forms an important part of the teaching. A large number of Technical Schools have been founded and at least partly endowed or assisted out of the Public Funds. Numerous Societies have been formed with the object of furnishing means and opportunities for discussing chemistry in its relations to arts and manufactures. Such facts are, in themselves, sufficient proof of the economic value of the science. Inducements are held out to the student to avail himself of the means offered on every side to adopt applied chemistry as a calling. We find teachers of chemistry asserting the claims of chemistry as the one science on which modern industry depends for its development. There is no industry, from biscuit manufacture to sulphuric acid manufacture, that does not find its chances of success certainly increased by employing scientific chemists to control the details of manufacture and its ultimate failure assured by its declining to avail itself of the resources of chemistry.

The subject of part‐time work is one which has become increasingly important in industrialised economies where it accounts for a substantial and growing proportion of total employment. It is estimated that in 1970, average annual hours worked per employee amounted to only 60% of those for 1870. Two major factors are attributed to explaining the underlying trend towards a reduction in working time: (a) the increase in the number of voluntary part‐time employees and (b) the decrease in average annual number of days worked per employee (Kok and de Neubourg, 1986). The authors noted that the growth rate of part‐time employment in many countries was greater than the corresponding rate of growth in full‐time employment.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the conceptual basis shared by different theories, regardless of the unit of analysis they specifically adopt. The different ontological choice (or different segment of reality studied by each theory) does not hinder conceptual common ground for a good number of organisational theories.

The paper highlights the importance of hierarchical, social and institutional relations and of the technological, cognitive, social and institutional contents. It looks at the common conceptual contents of the two main theories examined, and those of a wide set of other theories addressed here. Both of the theories examined are interpreted in terms of relations and contents, taking a closer look at the passageways and walls that exist between them.

Ontological and conceptual bases for the analysis of organisational theories are established.

The proposal of a common background from which one can examine different organisational theories is, in principle, important. The limitation inherent is that, given the infinite nature of reality, in the material world and in the world of thought, no one can be sure of having proposed the best possible methodological basis.

Relations and contents, as a basis for analysing theories, is an innovative proposal that attempts to gain insights on the basic materials (ontological and conceptual) that go to make up theories. From this point, the path towards a higher order theory can be based on the fundamental aspects (the way in which they interpret reality) of the theories themselves, not by formulating more generalist concepts or constructs.