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This research explores the implications for risk management of “People Risk.” In particular how online digital behaviors, particularly from young people entering the workplace for the first time, might impact on the work setting and how risk management might mitigate impact on the employee and organization.

A mixed methods approach was used to consider these implications and draws from a number of data sources in the United Kingdom including a database of self-review data around online safety policy and practice from over 2000 schools, a survey of over 1000 14–16 year olds and their attitudes toward sexting, and a survey of over 500 undergraduate students. In addition the work considers existing risk management approaches and the models therein and how they might be applied to people risk.

The dataset analyzed in this exploration show an education system in the United Kingdom that is not adequately preparing young people with an awareness of the implications of digital behavior in their lives and the survey data shows distorted social norms that might have serious consequences in the workplace.

This research should raise concerns for managers in the workplace who need to be aware of the changes in “normal” behavior and how these potentially harmful practices may be mitigated in the workplace.

The research provides a strong evidence base for a change in “acceptable” social behavior by children and young people alongside an education system not promoting effective awareness. These two datasets combined highlight potential new risks to the workplace.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce an analytical framework to define and interpret heterogenous risk behaviour within communities facing natural hazard. By employing a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the paper presents a categorization of “risk-styles” that are commonly used by Jakartan riverbank settlers facing recurrent risk. Unlike the more common concept of “flood-coping strategies”, the notion of risk-styles extends the analysis of responses directly related to floods and involves a broader set of risk and poverty practices. The proposed analytical framework is likely to be useful for future research on the topic of understanding heterogenous risk behaviour, particularly for systemic comparisons of human responses to natural hazard in other parts of the world.

The data underlying this paper were obtained during a year of extensive anthropological fieldwork in 2010 and 2011, in one of the most flood-prone riverbank settlements in Jakarta, Indonesia. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods were used to obtain data in the field, while the analyses of risk-styles was based on quantitative and qualitative analyses of the survey results and narratives of the respondents of the study.

This paper defines and analyses four risk-handling styles that are commonly used by inhabitants of a flood-prone riverbank settlement in Jakarta (called Bantaran Kali in this paper) to handle recurrent flood risk. These risk-styles are not completely fixed over time; in particular circumstances, people may and do change their risk-style. However, they should not be considered random or ad hoc. Instead, the study shows how these risk-styles reflect practices that gradually develop during people’s lives in a highly uncertain living environment (characterized by flood risk and poverty-related risks), and are more or less consistently used over longer periods of time and in relation to different types of risk and uncertainty. The paper argues that the four risk-styles described are influenced by factors that may seem unrelated to flood risk at first sight, such as trust in other actors and the government, networks and socializing skills, and the opportunities and limitations that are shaped by the economic and political structures in which riverbank settlers live.

This paper takes a bottom-up perspective and sheds light on the perceptions of a group of marginalized riverbank settlers on the risk of floods. By introducing the notion of risk-styles, it adds nuanced and empirical data that were obtained during extensive fieldwork to the debate on understanding heterogeneous risk behaviour. The originality of the paper lies in the combined use of qualitative and quantitative tools that were used to categorize common risk-styles as well as in the proposed analyses for defining and understanding heterogeneous risk behaviour.

The purpose of this paper is to challenge the idea that poor people are generally risk averse and that risks are predominately created by structural conditions and outside forces (Wisner et al., 2004, p. 11; Cardona, 2004, p. 39). It aims to show that some categories of poor people regularly take risks and that they can have good reasons for that. For people living at the edge of Indonesian society, taking risks on a regular basis has become something normal. The possibility that people can actively involve themselves in risky practices needs to be taken into account in risk assessments by government and civil society.

The material presented in this paper has been collected during long, intermittent periods of ethnographic fieldwork in East Java and East Kalimantan between 1999 and 2014. The data were mostly collected “at the side” of research on poverty, social security, social welfare and livelihood security. It also makes use of a case study on oplosan in Pati, Central Java, written by Frans Hüsken, of newspaper reports, online sources, talks with police officers and online news items.

In many of the current day risk studies, livelihood risks of the poor are perceived as “externally induced” resulting from outside influences such as disasters, living at dangerous places or as resulting from structural factors such as social and economic inequality. Little attention has been paid to poor and vulnerable people who actively take risks themselves and the reasons to do this. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Java and East Kalimantan, Indonesia, in this paper some risky practices of poor (young) people are explored. Examples are several forms of extreme risk-taking such as drinking parties with potent or even poisonous mixtures (oplosan), gambling and competition (often referred to as trek-trekan).

So far, little attention has been paid to the fact that people often actively involve in risks and deliberately may opt for risky lifestyles and opt to live in risky environments as this offers opportunities for poor people to gain money, prestige and jobs otherwise not accessible.

The purpose of this paper is to summarise the current state of empirical knowledge pertaining to online risk and cybercrime relating to people with intellectual disabilities (ID).

This narrative review summarises, synthesises and critically evaluates the current literature and state of knowledge and offers suggestions for extending current knowledge and practice.

Evidence regarding risk for people with ID is limited but growing. Existing findings highlight that: risk may increase contingent upon higher levels of sociability, loneliness, anxiety and depression, poorer insight, judgement, discrimination and ability to detect deception online and reduced experience and life opportunities; people without ID perceive high online risk for people with ID, which may lead to gatekeeping restrictions and controlling digital access; restriction may potentially impede online self-determination, participation and development by people with ID; and experience of risk may enhance awareness, independence and resilience in managing future online risk amongst people with ID. Further research work is needed in this area to enhance understanding of risk experience and effective support strategies.

This review of current knowledge has highlighted the necessity for more research to better understand the propensity for engagement in different risky online behaviours and to better inform support practices to help people with ID to manage risk whilst maintaining digital inclusion.

Multimedia content that is accessible through mobile devices has a larger size than other types of content (e.g. text, images). This may lead to higher prices for accessing the content via mobile devices, as mobile operators are capping mobile data billing plans in an effort to increase their revenues and prevent congestion. This poses problems for the users that are not willing/do not afford to pay the required price but still want to use multimedia content through the mobile networks. A price reduction for the user, as well as minimising bandwidth consumption can be obtained as a trade-off in multimedia quality. However, as previous research shows, not all people are willing to trade-off quality for a lower price; therefore, there is no straightforward approach to this problem. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to present a model of user willingness to pay for multimedia content quality as a function of the user risk attitude with the aim to provide personalised content depending on the user willingness to trade-off price for multimedia content quality.

A user model was proposed based on a literature review and an existing data set. A stereotypical approach was used where users are divided in two groups: risk averse and risk seekers. An experimental study involving six scenarios was used to validate the findings.

The results of the evaluation show that for the proposed user risk model, risk seekers preferred to pay for multimedia quality, whereas risk adverse users preferred to switch to a lower multimedia quality when monetary cost is involved. However, when the mobile data billing plan had the bandwidth limited, rather than a higher price to be paid when the bundle quantity was exceeded, the risk averse people’s preference for a lower quality still holds, but it does not show that most of the risk seekers prefer to pay for the multimedia quality.

This paper adds to the state of the art by providing a novel way to model the user preferences for multimedia quality based on their attitude towards risk, age, and gender.

Mobile data users, content providers (application service providers, over-the-top providers), mobile network operators (MNOs) and internet service providers (ISPs) could benefit from the results of this research. For mobile data users, the outcome of this research could be beneficial, as they can obtain personalised content based on their needs. From the content providers’ point of view, providing personalised content can lead to more satisfied users. It could also reduce the bandwidth consumption and the traffic to the server and/or proxy. Reducing the bandwidth consumption could lead to the possibility to acquire more customers and hence increase the revenues.

This is among the first studies to assess how the user preference towards multimedia quality if affected by the user attitude towards risk.

This paper aims to critically assess digital finance as a pro-poor intervention in the development finance space.

Using critical policy discourse analysis, this paper explains the turn from microfinance to digital finance, and thereafter discusses four issues: the lack of evidence that digital finance for poor people actually promotes socioeconomic development; the risks that poor people are exposed to, which arises from their exposure to digital finance technology; the lack of evidence that digital finance actually brings poor people immediate benefits; and the weak business rationale for digital finance.

The expectation for digital finance serving as a major pro-poor private sector intervention lacks justification.

The paper reflects on the effect of digital finance for poor people.

Young people drinking to extreme drunkenness is a source of concern for policy makers and health promoters. There are a variety of community groups who appear to respond to the alcohol-related problems. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the working practices and relationships among local community groups as part of the pre-intervention context-assessment process.

Drawing on the narratives of nine community workers and ten venue managers the authors examine the community level approach to inform the choice of interventions to reduce risky drinking practices and community wide alcohol-related harm.

There was considerable agreement across the community workers and venue managers about the nature of risk for young people in the night time economy (NTE). Two central themes of “perceived risk” and “management of risk” emerged from the data. Further, the community workers and venue managers identified different high-risk locations and strategies to improve their ability meet the needs of young people experiencing risk in the NTE. The local authorities, community organisations and night time operators adopted a broad proactive and connected approach to develop a coherent strategy to achieve new measures of safety in the NTE.

Applying the social ecological model to provide a framework for the understanding of the social, environmental and political factors that influence alcohol use in young people.

School-going young people in South Africa engage in HIV risk behaviour despite high levels of HIV knowledge and a variety of interventions focusing on HIV prevention. The lack of empirical evidence on the effectiveness of current interventions leaves programme implementers with little consensus about how best to prevent HIV infection among young people. This research was done to explore factors underlying HIV risk of young people with the aim of developing HIV prevention in the third decade of the epidemic. Focus group discussions were conducted with young people, educators and parents in eight schools in four provinces of the country. A thematic analysis revealed risk factors especially on the interpersonal and community level. Peer pressure, gender norms and culture, poverty and financial gain and a culture of alcohol use were prominent themes. Negative family relationships, lack of role models and lack of sexual education from home contributed to risk behaviour. Community processes such as exposure to media, lack of recreational facilities, and an erosion of supportive culture and community structures created an environment which did not support healthy behaviour. Factors that prevented risk behaviour were identified as self-respect, open communication with parents, implementation of school programmes, positive peer pressure and a focus on young people's future. Prevention programmes should therefore not only focus on individual factors but should be multi-layered interventions involving various community structures aimed at changing the social ecology in communities to support an alternative lifestyle for young people.

There is a gap linking organisational risk profiles to real people. Yet people are core to all risk/reward decisions, both at an organisational and a personal level. If an organisation is the aggregate of the decisions made by its people, how can aggregation be carried out sensibly; how can concordance between the organisational risk/reward profile and its people’s be ensured; what tools might help? The paper concludes with suggestions for areas of potentially fruitful research into how personal risk/reward profiles can be assessed and analysed to inform organisational risk/reward decisions.

The purpose of this paper is to review evidence related to the factors that influence people's understanding of health information and how miscommunication of health information can jeopardize people's health.

A literature review was conducted of English language articles, cited in major literature databases from the last 40 years, which describe factors related to comprehension of health information. A total of 93 articles were included.

The paper finds that health communication should take into consideration the role of the following factors on the processing and interpretation of health information: health literacy, format presentation of information, and human cognitive biases and affective/personal influences.

Health communication is a major component of health care. Every health care encounter involves exchange of information, which is intended to enhance people's knowledge in order to assist them to make an informed decision about their health care. However, the mere act of providing information does not guarantee comprehension. People's comprehension of information depends on several factors, including health literacy and numeracy skills, the format presentation of health information and human cognitive biases in the information processing and interpretation. Ineffective health communication can result in a wide range of direct and indirect health consequences including failure to understand and comply with treatment, poorer health status, increased risk of injuries, increased hospitalization, and decreased use of preventive services.

This paper provides health professionals and educators with an overview of important issues related to health communication and highlights strategies that facilitate effective communication to help people to make informed decisions about their health care.