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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effects of socio-demographic factors on ethnic tolerance (ET) and religious tolerance (RT) as well as the participation of the local community in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts in a multi-cultural society.

This research was conducted in the rural areas of Indonesia, on the basis of an empirical study that was performed in Lampung, a province at the southern tip of Sumatra. Data were collected through a survey of 500 respondents from five districts susceptible to ethnic conflicts. From each district, two villages that experienced ethnic conflicts were chosen and from each village, 50 respondents were randomly selected. To strengthen the explanation of quantitative data, in-depth interviews were also conducted with another 50 residents, five informants from each of ten villages. Informants comprised community leaders or traditional leaders, local police officers, local military officers and district government officials.

First, the degree of tolerance is not specifically concentrated in the socio-demographic characteristics. Second, ET affects RT. Third, local community participation in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts is not influenced by the socio-demographic characteristics but is influenced by ET and RT. The socio-cultural approach is the main strategy for peacebuilding in post-ethnic (and religious) conflicts in multi-cultural societies. The weakness of inter-ethnic relations soon improves in the post-peace period through the reconstruction of social and cultural factors to strengthen social cohesion and social capital at the local community level by involving various stakeholders

This paper is a valuable source of information regarding current research on the role of local communities in strengthening and building peace in post-ethnic violent conflicts in multi-cultural societies.

The purpose of this paper is to incorporate Chinese traditionality (CT) and patriotism (PAT) within the theory of reasoned action (TRA). It tests the moderating effect of gender with the aim to provide a deeper understanding of why Chinese tourists choose to take domestic travels.

Data is collected from 370 Chinese tourists. Convenience sampling is used. Structural equation modelling is used to test the proposed hypotheses.

The results of this paper show that PAT is positively related to tourists’ attitudes (ATs) and Chinese domestic travel intention (CTI). Moreover, CT is found to influence PAT, ATs and subjective norms (SNs) directly, as well as CTI indirectly. However, the positive relationship between PAT and SNs is not supported. Additionally, the influence of PAT on CTI for females is significantly higher than that for males.

The current paper adopts convenience sampling; data is collected using an online questionnaire which may cause sample bias and even reduce the reliability of the data. Future studies may adopt quota sampling based on the population of each province to gain more reliable data. Further research can consider including more constructs to better understand why Chinese people choose to travel domestically.

This paper is one of the first attempts to include PAT and CT within the TRA and contributes to the pool of literature on the TRA. It provides a comprehensive understanding of CTI. Second, PAT and CT are linked to the TRA, which expands the application of PAT and CT to the context of hospitality and tourism. Finally, the moderating role of gender contributes to the knowledge regarding the moderating effect between their respective relationships.

性别在中国传统与爱国主义对中国国内旅游意愿影响中的调节作用

摘要

本研究将中国传统性与爱国主义引入理性行为理论, 同时将性别作为调节变量, 目的在于探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

通过分析便利抽样所收集的370份中国游客样本, 运用结构方程模型验证本研究的假设。

中国游客爱国主义能够正向显著影响其国内游的态度和旅游意向; 此外, 中国传统性也直接影响游客的爱国主义、态度和主观规范, 并且分别通过爱国主义、态度和主观规范间接影响旅游意向; 然而, 爱国主义和主观规范之间的关系却并没有得到验证; 最后, 女性游客的爱国主义对于旅游意向的影响作用显著高于男性游客。

首先, 本研究运用网络调研的方式进行便利抽样, 这一点有可能产生样本偏差, 甚至降低了样本的可信度, 未来研究可以根据各省人口数量采用配额抽样的方式进行抽样, 以期进一步提高数据的可信度; 其次, 更多的变量应当被引入研究, 以进一步探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

首先, 本研究是为数不多的将爱国主义和中国传统性引入理性行为理论, 这一点进一步拓展了关于理性行为理论的研究范围, 也进一步加深了对于国内游原因的认识; 其次, 将爱国主义和中国传统性这一概念引入旅游领域, 进一步拓展了关于两者研究的边界; 最后, 在中国国内游的研究领域中, 将性别作为调节变量引入本研究一定程度上填补了在该领域研究中的不足。

La influencia de la moderación de género en la tradición China y el patriotismo en la intención de viajar dentro de China

Este research incorpora los conceptos a de la tradicionalidad China (TC) y el patriotismo (PAT) a la teoría de La Acción razonada (TAR), teniendo en cuenta el efecto moderador de género, con el objetivo de profundizar en la comprensión de porqué los turistas chinos eligen realizar viajes domésticos/nacionales.

A partir de los datos recolectados de 370 turistas chinos utilizando las muestras de cuestionarios realizados de manera on-line, éste estudio usa un modelado de ecuaciones estructurales para probar las hipótesis propuestas.

Los resultados demuestran que el PAT está positivamente relacionado con las actitudes del viajero y la intención de viaje nacional chino (IVNC).Es más, la tradicionalidad China (TC) influye en el Patriotismo (PAT), las actitudes del viajero chino (AVC) y también en las normas subjetivas (NS) directamente.Adicionalmente, la influencia del PAT en la intención de viaje del viajero doméstico chino, especialmente en mujeres, es significativamente mayor que en hombres.

Primero, el estudio adopta un muestreo de conveniencia y recopila cuestionarios on-line, lo que puede causar un sesgo en la muestra e incluso reducir la confiabilidad de los datos obtenidos.Los futuros estudios pueden adoptar un muestreo por cuotas basado en el número de población de cada una de las provincias de China, para obtener datos más relevantes.

Este estudio es uno de los primeros en incluir el PAT y el TC dentro de la TAR, que amplía la literatura sobre la TAR y proporciona una comprensión más completa de las actitudes del viajero chino.Segundo, el PAT y la TC están vinculados al TAR, el cuál expande la aplicación del PAT y la TC en el contexto del turismo en todas sus ramas.Por último, el rol moderador de género contribuye al conocimiento, sobre el efecto moderador entre sus respectivas relaciones.

This research aimed to assess the leadership role of principals in the implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools in the Western Cape, South Africa.

This study employed qualitative research approach to assess the leadership role of principals in the implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools in the Western Cape, South Africa. Data were gathered from a small sample of six principals from six selected secondary schools which were engaged in the implementation of a peace education programme, and data were analysed using thematic content analyses.

Findings of the study suggest that principals possess a low level of understanding or awareness of their leadership role in the implementation of peace education. The study pointed out the constraints such as time constraints and learners' negative attitudes and social influences hinder the effective implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools.

First, the data were self-reported and therefore subject to social desirability bias; participants may have provided socially desirable responses rather than their true belief or experiences. Thus, participants may have overstated their role in and commitment to the peace education programme.

Studies that aim to explore alternative approaches to combat violence, such as peace education, are still limited in South Africa. Hence, this paper served to close that gap by contributing to the growing body of research on the leadership role of the principal in the implementation of peace education in the school and exploring barriers hampering its effective implementation.

Over 60% of armed conflicts re-occur; the seed of future conflict is sown even as a peace agreement is signed. The cyclical nature of war calls for a focus on youth who can disrupt this pattern over time. Addressing this concern, the developmental peace-building model calls for a dynamic, multi-level and longitudinal approach. Using an innovative statistical approach, this study aims to investigate the associations among four youth peace-building dimensions and quality peace.

Multi-level time-series network analysis of a data set containing 193 countries and spanning the years between 2011 and 2020 was performed. This statistical approach allows for complex modelling that can reveal new patterns of how different youth peace-building dimensions (i.e. education, engagement, information, inclusion), identified through rapid evidence assessment, promote quality peace over time. Such a methodology not only assesses between-country differences but also within-country change.

While the within-country contemporaneous network shows positive links for education, the temporal network shows significant lagged effects for all four dimensions on quality peace. The between-country network indicates significant direct effects of education and information, on average, and indirect effects of inclusion and engagement, on quality peace.

This approach demonstrates a novel application of multi-level time-series network analysis to explore the dynamic development of quality peace, capturing both stability and change. The analysis illustrates how youth peace-building dimensions impact quality peace in the macro-system globally. This investigation of quality peace thus illustrates that the science of peace does not necessitate violent conflict.

Purpose – This paper aims to explain the concept of post-conflict peace education that has been implemented in East Aceh.

Design/Methodology/Approach – This research used the qualitative method where data were gathered by deep interview and study of documents.

Findings – The results show that the Aceh government education agency has not yet developed a standarized concept of peace education to be implemented throught out the schools in East Aceh. However, non-governmental agencies both national and international have stepped ahead and implemented it in formal and non-formal educational institutions. UNICEF and AusAID had facilitated the preparation of a peace education textbook which was written by academicians at UIN Ar-Raniry in 2005. It has been applied to many schools in East Aceh by incorporating peace education in to Aqidah Akhlak subject.

Research Limitations/Implications – The paper does not examine students’ understanding of peace education that can be learnt by incorporating concepts of peace education.

Practical Implications – The concept of peace education is feasible to be adopted at whole senior high school in Aceh.

Originality/Value – This paper offers a new concept of peace education, the liberal peace, religious peace, and traditional values that have been integrated in one subject to be taught at once.

This comparative case study looks towards the diverse approaches of higher education to support peacebuilding, from policy and philosophy to pedagogical practices, in conflict-affected and post-conflict settings. The achievement of global development goals is dependent on addressing access to quality education in conflict-affected contexts, including higher education. However, in settings affected by conflict, higher education is often perceived to be a luxury, not a necessity. This study, then, explores whether and how higher education might support peace and development through the unique perspective of the “three faces” of higher education in conflict contexts.

The paper is designed as a qualitative comparative case study. The research examines the work of university educators in two institutions in Afghanistan and Somaliland, highlighting the challenges and opportunities they face working in conflict-affected societies and their pedagogical responses to conflict. Data for the research were collected through in-depth interviews, documents, and digital artifacts with 12 university educators across the two institutions. The faculty teach a wide variety of subjects in the social sciences and humanities, subjects including and in addition to those specific to peace and development studies. To strengthen the interpretation of data, multiple coders were involved and intercoder reliability was conducted.

Findings indicate a number of challenges and opportunities that university lecturers and their institutions face in teaching for peace in conflict-affected contexts, particularly as it relates to the “three faces” of higher education to support, impede, or reveal the complicated nuances of peacebuilding in conflict settings. Member-checking was employed with participants to enhance the reliability of the analysis.

In the end, the paper contributes new empirical insights into higher education in conflict-affected contexts, particularly from the standpoint of faculty. Critical perspectives and implications for curriculum, pedagogy and research are offered.

This paper aims to discuss the construction of two composite indices to assess children’s experiences with violence and peace in primary schools in Sierra Leone.

The authors provide a conceptual framework based on the three dimensions of the violence index (direct, structural and cultural violence) and the three dimensions of the positive peace index (inclusion, citizenship and well-being). After that, this work proposes an operationalisation of these concepts based on a survey administered with 2,000 pupils and examine the correlates of the indices.

Results indicate not only a substantial level of violence among the sampled schools but also a considerable level of positive peace. These indices are negatively correlated, suggesting that lower levels of violence are related to higher levels of positive peace. Further analysis also shows that socioeconomic variables and school characteristics such as headteacher experience and teacher qualification are associated with levels of violence and peace. Finally, based on longitudinal evidence, this study also indicates that the prevalence of violence is a significant predictor of reading development among children.

The indicator presented is the first to combine children’s experiences with violence and experiences with positive peace in schools. It is a unique contribution to the measurement of school outcomes that are usually overlooked in the literature.

The purpose of this study is to know the effect of religious values that the Jordan Political discipline adopted and were mentioned in the Jordan political discourses (Amman Message 2005, discourse of King Abdullah II in the European Parliament 2008 and his discourse in United Nations 2015) on the public opinion of the university students, especially their attitudes toward terrorism and extremism. Defending Islam is the responsibility of the Jordan political leadership according to Hashemite legacy and promoting Islamic values that rejected terrorism and extremism to Jordanian youth, especially tolerance and moderation values, to counter defamations and claims against Islam and correct its image in the West.

A political discourse analysis approach was used by analyzing the Amman Message and identifying the most important religious values contained therein. Also, a quantitative research method was used in this study. The study population consisted of university students, particularly Jordanian University students because being one of the high-bred Jordanian universities, it is characterized with gender, age, regional affiliation and family income diversities. This study depends on a purposive sample containing 350 students (175 males and 175 females). The survey was conducted in the academic year (2018-2019). A questionnaire that was reviewed by three jurors was used in data collection.

The results of the analysis of the political discourse showed that the values of tolerance and moderation are among the most valued in the Amman Message, where they were frequently repeated. Also, findings have shown that the religious values adopted by the Jordanian political system mentioned in the political discourses had an impact on public opinion of university students on terrorism and extremism causes in a large percent. When gender differed (males and females), the impact ratio of the public opinion for males was higher than that for females. When the age group differed (18-22 and 23-30 years), the effect ratio with the old age group was higher than the effect ratio for the students with the youngest age group. When regional affiliation differed (Jordanian and Jordanian of Palestinian origin), the impact ratio of the public opinion for Jordanian students was higher than that for Jordanian students of Palestinian origin. When regional family income differed (500 dinars and less, more than 500 dinars), the impact ratio of the public opinion for students with family income more than 500 dinars was higher than that for students with family income 500 dinars and less.

This study represents an approach to recognize the effect of religious values that were adopted by the Jordanian political system mentioned in the political discourses on public opinion of university students on terrorism and extremism causes, considering that university students represent the influential youth group in the Jordanian society.

The objective of this research is to propose a framework which is apt to assess how a nation branding campaign could promote cultural identity by ultimately curbing political polarization.

By relying on a multidisciplinary approach that blends theoretical constructs from different fields the methodology is based on a mixed-method approach whereby the qualitative data stemming from a set of interviews with key-informants is coupled by a survey of Colombian citizens in order to gain in-depth insights over the impact of nation branding on political polarization.

From the findings, it emerges that a campaign based on nation branding and targeting domestic citizens could curb political polarization within Colombia, by also fostering cultural identity.

The study considers only Colombia. To fully assess the robustness of the framework it would be useful to extend the analysis to a broader range of countries and to a wider set of domestic issues.

The research not only provides in-depth insights on how nation branding can be used effectively in order to curb political polarization but also practical guidance on how a nation branding campaign can be effectively designed. The findings are relevant to policy-makers that have the opportunity to implement informed and educated nation branding campaigns not just overseas, but also to strategically address important domestic issues by engaging the domestic stakeholders.

While country branding has been extensively investigated within the context of international business, we have a relatively limited understanding of its domestic impact. In contrast to traditional country branding literature, this paper aims to theoretically advance our understanding of nation branding and its effect on political polarization, as well as gauging its impact on cultural identity.

The remarkable increase of sophistication of artificial intelligence in recent years has already led to its widespread use in martial applications, the potential of so-called “killer robots” ceasing to be a subject of fiction. The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the consequences of the availability of lethal autonomous robots (LARs) on global peace.

Virtually without exception, the aforementioned potential of LARs has generated fear, as evidenced by a mounting number of academic articles calling for the ban on their development and deployment. An analysis of the existing ethical objections to LARs is used as a vehicle for their critique and the advancement of an alternative.

The presented analysis shows the contemporary thought to be deficient in philosophical rigour, these deficiencies leading to a different view, one favourable to the development of LARs.

The emergent thesis is that LARs can in fact be a force for peace, leading to fewer and less deadly wars.