Search results

A sample of 92 UK patients volunteered to take part in focus groups to discuss what elements of local primary care provision were important to them. Issues raised were prioritised by the patients and then fashioned into 18 quality indicators which nine local practices were invited to assess themselves against. At the assessment meeting three months later over 40 changes in service provision were noted in the nine participating practices. A patient questionnaire carried out in each practice, however, indicated a tendency for practices to overestimate the services they felt they provided. Patients rated the experience of generating standards as very worthwhile and enjoyed being asked. Further research needs to be carried out to assess the effectiveness of this methodology in different settings.

The cardinal point to note here is that the development (and unfortunately the likely potential) of area policy is intimately related to the actual character of British social policy. Whilst area policy has been strongly influenced by Pigou's welfare economics, by the rise of scientific management in the delivery of social services (cf Jaques 1976; Whittington and Bellamy 1979), by the accompanying development of operational analyses and by the creation of social economics (see Pigou 1938; Sandford 1977), social policy continues to be enmeshed with the flavours of Benthamite utilitatianism and Social Darwinism (see, above all, the Beveridge Report 1942; Booth 1889; Rowntree 1922, 1946; Webb 1926). Consequently, for their entire history area policies have been coloured by the principles of a national minimum for the many and giving poorer areas a hand up, rather than a hand out. The preceived need to save money (C.S.E. State Apparatus and Expenditure Group 1979; Klein 1974) and the (supposed) ennobling effects of self help have been the twin marching orders for area policy for decades. Private industry is inadvertently called upon to plug the resulting gaps in public provision. The conjunction of a reluctant state and a meandering private sector has fashioned the decaying urban areas of today. Whilst a large degree of party politics and commitment has characterised the general debate over the removal of poverty (Holman 1973; MacGregor 1981), this has for the most part bypassed the ‘marginal’ poorer areas (cf Green forthcoming). Their inhabitants are not usually numerically significant enough to sway general, party policies (cf Boulding 1967) and the problems of most notably the inner cities has been underplayed.

Youth unemployment is one of the most serious problems of the early 1980s. In 1981 one in six youngsters under 18 years old were looking for jobs. As the problem has worsened the emphasis of public programmes has shifted from attempts to reduce the level of unemployment to the provision of training alternatives to employment, such as the Youth Opportunities Programme (YOP) and the Youth Training Scheme (YTS). At present, the Government is committed to employer‐based, on‐the‐job training for school leavers.

Economic stressors such as job insecurity, job loss, unemployment, and underemployment cause severe difficulties for the workers affected, their families, organizations, and societies overall. Consequently, most past research has taken a thoroughly negative perspective on economic stress, addressing its diverse negative consequences and the ways that people try to cope with them. And even when following the advice provided by the scientific literature, people affected by economic stress will usually end up being off worse than they were before the onset of the stressor.

The current chapter pays credit to this perspective yet also tries to counterbalance it with an alternative one. While acknowledging the vast amount of literature outlining the negative consequences of economic stress on peoples’ well-being and careers, some literature also points at opportunities for a more positive perspective. More specifically, we argue that affected people can use a wide repertoire of behaviors for handling their current situation. Of particular promise in this regard is the concept of career adaptability, generally defined as the ability to change to fit into new career-related circumstances. Indeed, studies show that under certain conditions, career adaptability can facilitate people's search for not just any job but for a qualitatively better job, thus breaking through the spiral of losses usually associated with economic stress.

For the purpose of this argument, we link career adaptability to the concept of proactive coping, analyzing how and under which conditions career adaptability may present a contextualized form of proactive coping. We then address known personal and situational antecedents of career adaptability and show how career adaptability may be fostered and trained among different types of job seekers. We end this chapter with a discussion of open questions as well as directions for future research.

The recent increase in unemployment has been accompanied by much discussion of the structure of unemployment. Many have occupied themselves by trying to allocate the increase between the conventional categories of frictional, structural and cyclical and in trying to separate the voluntary and involuntary components of the problem. Others have investigated the nature of the problem in terms of job turnover or duration, while a number have busied themselves with the issue of whether the published unemployment figures are an accurate measure of the pressure of demand or of social distress.

Charitable Choice Policy, the heart of President Bush’s Faith‐Based Initiative, is the direct government funding of religious organizations for the purpose of carrying out government programs. The Bush presidential administration has called for the application of Charitable Choice Policy to all kinds of social services. Advocates for child‐abuse victims contend that the Bush Charitable Choice Policy would further dismantle essential social services provided to abused children. Others have argued Charitable Choice Policy is unconstitutional because it crosses the boundary separating church and state. Rather than drastically altering the US social‐policy landscape, this paper demonstrates that the Bush Charitable Choice Policy already is in place for childabuse services across many of the fifty states. One reason this phenomenon is ignored is due to the reliance on the public‐private dichotomy for studying social policies and services. This paper contends that relying on the public‐private dichotomy leads researchers to overlook important configurations of actors and institutions that provide services to abused children. It offers an alternate framework to the public‐private dichotomy useful for the analysis of social policy in general and, in particular, Charitable Choice Policy affecting services to abused children. Employing a new methodological approach, fuzzy‐sets analysis, demonstrates the degree to which social services for abused children match ideal types. It suggests relationships between religious organizations and governments are essential to the provision of services to abused children in the United States. Given the direction in which the Bush Charitable Choice Policy will push social‐policy programs, scholars should ask whether abused children will be placed in circumstances that other social groups will not and why.

At a time when the future of the British state pension is being debated events in Australia provide an interesting example of an alternative approach. This article examines the introduction in Australia of the 1992 Superannuation Guarantee Charge Bills (SGC). The article considers the key debates which accompanied the SGC along with the role of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), the poverty lobby and employer organisations in the reform process. The Australian model can not simply be transposed to the UK but the politics of reform in this case illustrate the issues of equity, exclusion and social division that are likely to arise.

The article assembles efficiency and equity arguments for and against targeting the long‐term unemployed in active labour market policies (ALMP), and refers to evidence from applications to date. The theory and practices of ALMP differ somewhat between low and high unemployment countries. The approach taken in Sweden in the 1960s to 1980s is used to discuss low unemployment countries, and OECD analysis in the 1990s to represent theory for the high unemployment countries. Targeting the long‐term unemployed is specifically a policy for high unemployment countries, and depends particularly on effects on wage pressure. The article concludes by urging that equity arguments be considered as well as efficiency and by drawing attention to the form which targeting takes. Comments are made about Britain’s New Deal in relation to the form of targeting.