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The study utilises unique survey data gathered from 12,427 party members. The dependent variable measures party members’ in-party commitment and is based on willingness to donate money, to contribute effort, the feeling of belonging in the party network and social trust in the party network.

In this article, we study how different extra-parliamentary online and offline activities are associated with in-party commitment amongst political party members from the six largest Finnish parties. We especially delve into the differences between members of the Finnish parties.

We found that extra-parliamentary political activity, including connective action through social media networks and collective action through civic organisations, is highly associated with members’ in-party commitment. Additionally, members of the newer identity parties more effectively utilised social media networks, whilst the traditional interest parties were still more linked to traditional forms of extra-parliamentary political action.

By employing the sociological network theory perspective, the study contributes to ongoing discussions surrounding the impact of social media on political participation amongst party members, both within and beyond the confines of political parties.

The study investigates factors like media, tribal, religious and party politics' influence on Nigerias’ 2023 presidential election choice. It confirms dominant social media platforms and examines their influence on election polls, e-participation and political candidate choice. The main objectives of this study are to: investigate if tribal, religious and party politics affect the respondent’s choice of a presidential candidate, ascertain the respondent's most used social media platform for political engagement and determine how social media platforms influenced the election polls during the 2023 Nigerian presidential election.

A sample size of 384 registered voters was used to survey three states in Southeast Nigeria hinged on the technological acceptance model, the instrumentalist theory of ethnicity and the theory of reasoned action.

The study found that tribal politics did not influence political candidates during the 2023 Nigerian presidential election. However, religious and party politics influenced their choices as well as X (Twitter), found as the most used and most influential social media platform vital for enhancing participatory democracy and informing people at real-time.

The researchers experienced challenges such as ensuring that the respondents filled the questions appropriately to reduce the number of void questionnaires and a funding problem since they had yet to receive any grant to enhance the study.

The study commends improved Internet connectivity and accessibility among the citizens for increased political engagement on social media. It also recommends that the Nigerian government enforce the rule of law in politics to enable diverse tribes and religions to experience democratic e-participation and development without marginalisation or subjugation by incumbent power. The findings affirm that social media is apt in political communication during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria. The study is a contribution to knowledge, timely and original.

This study aims to explore the role of rebel group legitimacy and ideology in durable peace (DP) following peace agreements to end civil wars. It builds on earlier research showing that justice and civil society involvement are critical in achieving DP. This study adds the impacts of rebel group activities and support on DP. Activities include service delivery and mobilization. Support is gauged with outcomes of presidential and parliamentary elections held following peace agreements.

Five data sets were used to measure the key variables: DP, inclusive commissions (IC), legitimacy symmetry (electoral outcomes), service delivery and ideological mobilization. A measure of rebel group integration in the political system was also constructed. Impacts of the integration, legitimacy and ideology variables were assessed with a hierarchical regression model (HRM). This study begins with a base model drawn from earlier research showing the key predictors were procedural justice (PJ) and IC. The authors ask about the extent to which the rebel group variables contribute additional variance to the prediction of DP.

The main contributors to the prediction of DP were PJ, IC and integration in the political system. None of the legitimacy or mobilization variables added significant variance to the prediction. Only one of the mobilization variables, forced recruitment, was significant. The decision to integrate into the political system following the agreement did not mediate the relationship between PJ in the negotiation process and DP. Results of a factor analysis showed that DP, PJ, IC and integration formed a cluster with strong loadings on the first factor.

The negative results for the legitimacy and mobilization variables may not be the last word on rebel group influences. Lack of support for the key hypotheses spurs attempts to discover other sources that contribute to the survival of rebel group actors in the political system and, in turn, to DP.

The issues raised by this study contribute to debates about ways to attain peaceful relations among competing groups following a civil war. It appears that attention to factors inside and around the negotiation process (PJ, ICs and conversion) may be more important than rebel group activities outside of these processes. The results call attention, in particular, to the important role played by political integration. From a policy perspective, it would be useful to develop levers for encouraging rebel groups to emerge as political actors in the post-agreement environment.

Developing measures of the symmetry of rebel group legitimacy and integration in the context of a comparative case study are the primary original contributions of this study. Furthermore, the mode of analysis (HRM) is novel in this literature. This approach builds on and extends the earlier research on factors influencing DP.

Firms are increasingly pressured to comply with mandatory supply chain transparency (SCT) regulations. Drawing on information processing theory (IPT), this study aims to show how blockchain technology can address information uncertainty and equivocality in assuring regulatory compliance in an interorganizational network (ION).

IPT is applied in a single case study of an ION in the mining industry that aimed to implement blockchain to address mandatory SCT regulations. The authors build on a rich proprietary data set consisting of interviews and substantial secondary material from actors along the supply chain.

The case shows that blockchain creates equality between actors, enables compliance and enhances efficiency in an ION, reducing information uncertainty and equivocality arising from conflict minerals regulation. The system promotes engagement and data sharing between parties while protecting commercial sensitive information. The lack of central authority prevents larger partners from taking control. The system provides mineral provenance and a regulation-compliant record. System cost analysis shows that the system is efficient as it is inexpensive relative to volumes and values of metals transacted. Issues were identified related to collecting richer human rights data for assurance and compliance with due diligence regulations.

The authors provide some of the first evidence in the operations and supply chain management literature of the specific architecture, costs and limitations of using blockchain for SCT. Using an IPT lens in an ION setting, the authors demonstrate how blockchain-based systems can address two key IPT challenges: environmental uncertainty and equivocality.

The authors investigate how COVID-19 has influenced the amount, type or topics of abuse that UK politicians receive when engaging with the public.

This work covers the first year of COVID-19 in the UK, from March 2020 to March 2021 and analyses Twitter abuse in replies to UK MPs. The authors collected and analysed 17.9 million reply tweets to the MPs. The authors present overall abuse levels during different key moments of the pandemic, analysing reactions to MPs by gender and the relationship between online abuse and topics such as Brexit, the government’s COVID-19 response and policies, and social issues.

The authors have found that abuse levels towards UK MPs were at an all-time high in December 2020. Women (particularly those from non-White backgrounds) receive unusual amounts of abuse, targeting their credibility and capacity to do their jobs. Similar to other large events like general elections and Brexit, COVID-19 has elevated abuse levels, at least temporarily.

Previous studies analysed abuse levels towards MPs in the run-up to the 2017 and 2019 UK General Elections and during the first four months of the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK. The authors compare previous findings with those of the first year of COVID-19, as the pandemic persisted, and Brexit was forthcoming. This research not only contributes to the longitudinal comparison of abuse trends against UK politicians but also presents new findings, corroborates, further clarifies and raises questions about the previous findings.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/OIR-07-2022-0392

Criminals have quickly discovered the advantage of crypto assets, with its pseudo-anonymity, untraceability and the ability to freely exchange crypto assets across borders, which makes it an ideal tool for money laundering activities. Switzerland has a technology-neutral framework, and crypto assets are regulated by the existing anti-money laundering (AML) legislation. The purpose of this paper is to gain insights into the industry adoption of measurements to prevent money laundering through crypto assets and if they are compliant with national and international AML regulations.

Semi-structured expert interviews were conducted with participants having expertise in compliance, AML and crypto assets with focus on Switzerland. The interviews were analyzed using the thematic analysis.

The experts have a general consensus that Switzerland is a pioneer when it comes to regulating crypto assets. It is perceived that legislations are released without industry consultation and that AML processes for fiat transactions also work for crypto assets, which is not the case. The results show that the industry wants a consortium to fight money laundering in crypto assets in Switzerland. The current measures to identify money laundering are not optimal, yet, it is the best solution and according to national and international regulations the businesses are perceived to be compliant.

This paper offers new insights on the challenges of AML regulations in crypto assets, given the limited information available. It also provides good practice examples for addressing these challenges, benefiting policymakers, regulators and practitioners in the crypto asset ecosystem.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a snapshot of secondary school food policy (SSFP) across the devolved nations (England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) to offer insights into a growing area of policy concern. The selected context of research is school food policy (SFP), an area of research which has received little attention in terms of policy approaches. The review is focused on 2010 to 2022.

This work combines interdisciplinary perspectives spanning across food policy, public health, psychology, education and sociology. This combination has merit as it offers different perspectives in terms of understanding SFP. The study was conducted between August 2021 and March 2022, using a desk-based review, analysing policies on food in secondary schools. Data collection was conducted through the Web using key search terms. The READ (Read, Extract, Analyse, Distil) approach was used as a systematic procedure to analyse policy and evaluation documents.

To all levels of government, it is recommended that a coherent policymaking approach be used to tackle SSFP improvements, to progress a whole school approach to food, supported by long-term dedicated resources while engaging children in SSFP development. For education departments, it is recommended that a food curriculum review, connected to school meals alongside a refocus on school food standards monitoring and reporting is crucial in serving the future generations. The current economic crisis has had an impact on public spending. Universal Free School Meals has been said to make an enormous difference to well-being.

The current findings suggest that researching SFP across nations has merit. There is a relative lack of focus on secondary schools, in light of England’s focus on the National Food Strategy (focus on children), post-pandemic, economic crisis – together this makes school food and food policy a topic of real urgency and importance. Lessons can both be learned, particularly in promoting healthier and more educationally inclusive school food practices. Research in this area can inform curriculum design and school food environment and system changes from the perspective of learnings around taking a whole school food approach to education.

As a distinctive form of communist heritage tourism, the ideology and government-led form of red tourism warrants an in-depth examination of how tourists consume and perceive it. This study aims to reveal tourists’ perception of red tourism through the lens of destination image.

This study collected 9,819 user-generated photographs within four types of red tourism destinations (RTDs) and used a computer visual and semiotic analysis approach to conduct photograph-based cognitive and affective attributes extraction. Network analysis further visualized the co-relations between cognitive images and affective images. ANOVA analysis compared the differences of the four types of destination images.

Ten dimensions of cognitive image and eight categories of affective image of red tourism were identified. It found that monuments, statues, memorial symbols were the distinctive cognitive features, and admiration was the most dominant emotion. Heterogeneity of destination images was identified among the four types of RTDs.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the study is one of the first to explore tourists’ consumption of red tourism through the lens of destination image, which reveals the inconsistencies between the officially projected images and tourists’ perceived images of red tourism. Using Plutchik’s model, it validates a series of positive and negative emotions contributing to the affective images of red tourism, which expands the findings of emotions within the extant red tourism research. Through combined applications of computer visual and semiotic analysis, ANOVA, network analysis and model visualization, the study provides an important methodological triangulation for photograph-based destination image studies.

红色旅游作为共产主义旅游的独特形式, 游客如何感知这种国家意识形态植入与政府主导型旅游值得深入研究。本研究旨在从目的地意象视角揭示游客红色旅游感知。

本研究收集四种类型的红色旅游地9819张用户生成照片, 利用计算机视觉-情感析法对照片进行认知和情感元素提取。复杂网络分析揭示了认知意象与情感意象之间的关联。方差分析比较了四种红色旅游地意象的差异。

本研究确定了红色旅游认知意象的十个维度和情感意象的八个类别。研究发现, 纪念碑、雕像、纪念符号是其独特的认知意象元素, 钦佩是其最主要的情感，四种类型红色旅游地意象存在差异性。

本文是同类研究中首次从目的地意象视角探索游客对红色旅游地感知, 揭示了红色旅游官方投射意象与游客感知意象之间的差异。利用Plutchik情感之轮模型, 验证了一系列积极和消极情绪构成红色旅游地情感意象, 拓展了红色旅游的情感发现。综合运用计算机视觉-情感分析、方差分析、网络分析和模型可视化等方法, 为基于照片的旅游目的地意象研究提供了一个重要方法。

Como forma distintiva del turismo del patrimonio comunista, la ideología y la forma gubernamental del turismo rojo justifican un examen en profundidad de cómo lo consumen y perciben los turistas. Este estudio pretende revelar la percepción que tienen los turistas del turismo rojo desde la perspectiva de la imagen del destino.

Este estudio recopiló 9.819 fotografías generadas por los usuarios dentro de cuatro tipos de destinos de turismo rojo, y utilizó un enfoque de análisis visual y semiótico por ordenador para llevar a cabo la extracción de atributos cognitivos y afectivos basados en fotografías. El análisis de redes visualizó además las correlaciones entre las imágenes cognitivas y las imágenes afectivas. El análisis ANOVA comparó las diferencias de los cuatro tipos de imágenes de destino.

Se identificaron diez dimensiones de imagen cognitiva y ocho categorías de imagen afectiva del turismo rojo. Se descubrió que los monumentos, las estatuas y los símbolos conmemorativos eran los rasgos cognitivos distintivos, y la admiración la emoción más dominante. Se identificó una heterogeneidad de imágenes de destino entre los cuatro tipos de destinos de turismo rojo.

El estudio es uno de los primeros en explorar el consumo de turismo rojo por parte de los turistas a través de la lente de la imagen del destino, lo que revela las incoherencias entre las imágenes proyectadas oficialmente y las imágenes percibidas por los turistas del turismo rojo. Utilizando el modelo de Plutchik, valida una serie de emociones positivas y negativas que contribuyen a las imágenes afectivas del turismo rojo, lo que amplía los hallazgos sobre las emociones dentro de la investigación existente sobre el turismo rojo. Mediante aplicaciones combinadas de análisis visual y semiótico por ordenador, ANOVA, análisis de redes y visualización de modelos, el estudio proporciona una importante triangulación metodológica para los estudios de la imagen del destino basados en fotografías.

While most West European nations were formed around pre-existing entities that could be called “countries” before the modern age, this was not the case in the Middle East. Some entities, like Egypt, did have a clear political and cultural identity before colonialism, others, like Algeria, did not. This chapter discusses the four states of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, through the perspective of “country creation” going into and coming out of colonial rule. We can see here two “models” of fairly similar types of historical development, one showing a gradual process through a protectorate period to relatively stable modern nations, another through violent conquest and direct colonization ending in violent liberation and military and wealthy but fragile states. The article asks whether these models for the history of country creation and the presence or absence of pre-colonial identities can help explain the modern history and nature of these states in the Arab Spring and the years thereafter. Then, a more tentative attempt is made to apply these models to two countries of the Arab east, Syria and Iraq. While local variations ensure that no model can be transferred directly, it can show the importance of studying the historical factors that go into the transition from geographical region to a country with people that can form the basis of a nation.

What kinds of support do interstate rivals provide to domestic actors in ongoing civil wars? And how do domestic actors utilize the support they receive? This chapter answers these questions by comparing Iranian and Saudi military and non-military (mediation, foreign aid and religious soft-power promotion) support to the Houthis and to the Government of Yemen (GoY) during the Saada wars (2004–2010) and the internationalized civil war (2015–2018). It also focuses on the processes through which the GoY and the Houthis have utilized this support for their own strategic purposes. This chapter applies a structured, focused comparison methodology and relies on data from a review of both primary and secondary sources complemented by 14 interviews. This chapter finds that there were less external interventions in the conflict in Saada than in the internationalized civil war. During the latter, a broader set of intervention strategies enabled further instrumentalization by domestic actors, which in turn contributed to the protracted nature of the conflict. This chapter contributes to the literature on interstate rivalry and third-party intervention. The framework of analysis is applicable to civil wars that experience intervention by rivals, such as Syria or Libya.