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The subject of part‐time work is one which has become increasingly important in industrialised economies where it accounts for a substantial and growing proportion of total employment. It is estimated that in 1970, average annual hours worked per employee amounted to only 60% of those for 1870. Two major factors are attributed to explaining the underlying trend towards a reduction in working time: (a) the increase in the number of voluntary part‐time employees and (b) the decrease in average annual number of days worked per employee (Kok and de Neubourg, 1986). The authors noted that the growth rate of part‐time employment in many countries was greater than the corresponding rate of growth in full‐time employment.

Increases in the number of jobs for part‐time workers has had little impact on the rate of unionisation for part‐time workers, the majority of whom are women. The argument run by union officials in Japan is that women, and thus part‐time workers, are not interested in industrial issues. This study explores an alternative explanation which is that union officials and “core” male workers are excluding women and part‐time workers in order to protect their own privileged position. Whilst it is acknowledged that the organisational structure of enterprise unions makes it difficult to incorporate the needs of part‐time workers, it is the attitudes of “core” male workers and union officials to women as paid workers that is the major hurdle to the non‐unionisation of part‐time workers. For women and part‐time workers there is no power in the union.

Discusses the long existing and confusing problems of establishing the relationship of who is, and who if not, a dependent worker. Reflects developments which have occurred in British law as it affects the employment field, plus an evaluation and analysis of some of the different types of employment relationships which have evolved by examining, where possible, the status of each of these relationships. Concludes that the typical worker nowadays finds himself in a vulnerable position both economically and psychologically owing to the insecurity which exists.

As with many other OECD economies, a growing part‐time employment share has been a characteristic of the Australian workforce experience over the past three decades. Examines several distinctive features of Australian part‐time employment, namely: the high proportion of part‐time employees who are employed under casual employment conditions, the growing male part‐time employment share and the growing proportion of involuntary part‐time workers. Outlines several important policy implications, namely: many part‐time employees are entitled to but not receiving permanent employment conditions; many part‐timers are excluded from the many non‐wage entitlements associated with full‐time employment; adjusted hourly wage rates for part‐time workers appear to be falling relative to full‐time workers, the ability of part‐time employees to participate in the newly emerging collective bargaining framework is constrained by their very low trade union density relative to full‐time employees; and there are doubts as to how part‐time workers can effectively participate in and benefit from the emerging programme of employee‐based superannuation entitlements.

Part‐time work in Japan, as in other countries, is increasing as a form of paid work. There are, however, significant differences developing out of Japan’s gender contract. Employers have created a gendered employment strategy which has been supported by governments, through social welfare policies and legislation, and the mainstream enterprise union movement which has supported categorisations of part‐time workers as “auxilliary” despite their importance at the workplace. An analysis of one national supermarket chain indicates that part‐time work as it is constructed in Japan does not challenge the gendered division of labour but seeks to lock women into the secondary labour market.

Part-time employment is a vital portion of the U.S. labor force, yet research to date has provided only limited insights into how to successfully create and manage this sector of the workforce. We propose that these limitations are due, at least in part, to an inadequate explication of the levels issues inherent in this area. In this article, we present a summary framework of constructs at the economic, industry, organization, individual, and work levels that influence part-time work arrangements. We then specify a cross-level moderator model that examines how the number of hours worked by employees influences their attitudes and behaviors. We posit that this relationship is moderated by a number of contextual effects at multiple levels. Using this sample model, we demonstrate the way in which researchers examining part-time work arrangements can effectively address levels issues. Our article concludes with a discussion of the implications that this summary framework has for researchers, practitioners, and policy makers.

This purpose of this paper it to explore the extent to which female part‐time workers experience occupational mobility in UK service sector firms, particularly promotional opportunities, since the implementation of the Part‐time Workers' Directive in 2000.

The research adopts a qualitative methodology. In‐depth interviews were carried out with 62 women and 12 of their managers in five case study workplaces in the service industry, so as to better understand individuals' perceptions of part‐time work and the processes that shape part‐time working at an organisational level.

The findings are not particularly encouraging in terms of female part‐time workers' perceptions of their opportunities for career progression in four of the five case studies. Distinctions were found between legislation, organisational policies and informal workplace practices. It is argued in this paper that each of these levels is important in understanding patterns of change and continuity in the use and structuring of part‐time work.

The originality of this paper lies in its use of occupational closure to explain the stratification of part‐time workers and this paper has significance and value for debates surrounding the progression and career prospects of non‐standard workers and diversity management more broadly.

Part‐time workers (a quarter of all employees in Britain) are one section of the “atypical” workforce singled out for attention by the EC Commission. Examines directives on atypical workers issued as part of the Social Charter′s Social Action Programme. Assesses the likelihood of directives′ provisions being adopted. Discusses the decisions of the European Court of Justice, which may have a profound impact on part‐time work, whether or not the directives are adopted, and outlines developments in employer and union policy on part‐time workers.

The purpose of this paper is to examine wage differences between part- and full-time workers distinguishing by gender by using a large Spanish matched employer-employee data set and an econometric decomposition that permits to decompose wage differences by quantiles of the wage distribution.

The research is based on cross-section matched employer-employee microdata from a large representative survey (the Encuesta de Estructura Salarial) which is carried out with a harmonised methodology common to all European Union member countries and that has been designed specifically to provide reliable evidence about characteristics of the wage distribution such us wage differentials associated with the type of working time. From a methodological point of view, the econometric decomposition technique proposed recently by Fortin et al. (2011) to decompose wage differences between part-time and full-time workers by quantiles of the wage distribution is applied. This methodology has the advantage over similar techniques that provides a detailed decomposition of wage differentials and has not been used before to examine the wage impact of part-time jobs.

The results show that the significant raw wage gap that part-time workers experience in Spain differs substantially along the wage distribution. In the case of part-time females, the wage disadvantage is mostly explained by their relative endowments of characteristics (and particularly by their lower endowments of human capital and their segregation into low-wage sectors) but a significant wage penalty still persists, increasing along the wage distribution. In the case of males the wage disadvantage is only found in the lower part of the distribution and it is due both to their worst endowments of characteristics and a significant wage penalty.

The evidence for Spain shows that the part-time work tends to affect differently to the wages of males and females, with a higher part-time penalty for males, as predicted by the “flexibility stigma” hypothesis, and penalising low-qualified men in the lower part of the wage distribution and high-qualified women in the upper part of the distribution the most.

The analysis contributes to the literature by examining wage differences along the wage distribution for both genders using econometric decomposition methods, an aspect that to the authors’ knowledge has been examined only scarcely in the international literature with non-conclusive evidence and has not been examined in previous studies for the Spanish case. In this vein, Spain is a particularly interesting analysis case from an international perspective of the wage consequences of part-time jobs, given that in contrast with most other advanced countries a majority of part-time employment in this country is involuntary and this phenomenon is especially affecting disadvantaged groups.

This paper is a cross‐national study of the incidence of part‐time work. The purpose of this paper is to investigate to what extent the difference between Germany and The Netherlands can be explained from the demand side of the labour market.

Several motives of employers for the introduction of part‐time jobs are distinguished. Their relevance is tested by means of firm‐level data for the two countries within the framework of a multivariate analysis.

The study finds that, in The Netherlands, part‐time jobs are more widespread than in Germany. The reasons for this difference are diverse: the difference in industrial structure (more manufacturing in Germany, more services in The Netherlands), less working students in Germany, and probably more reluctance on the side of German employers to meet the preferences of their workers.

The paper fills a gap in the literature on part‐time work, especially about the importance of institutions differing between the countries. This evidence may be useful in designing policies to increase the incidence of part‐time work.