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The geopolitical scenario in South Asia has of course assumed a new dimension at least in three fields: ethno-cultural, strategic configuration and psychological. In the ethno-cultural field, South Asia has become highly volatile and explosive. In most of the states of South Asia, ethno-cultural conflicts exist: for instance, in Sri Lanka where the LTTE militant group is engaged in a bloody warfare vis-à-vis the Sri Lankan State; in Pakistan Shia-Sunni conflicts and the Mohajir Qaumi movement for autonomy; and in India the religious fundamentalism due to the rise of Hindutva that has created a panic among minority groups like Christianity. In Nepal, the Communist Party (ML) is indulged in the worst kind of political violence. These trends show the upper hand of ethno-cultural elements in the geopolitical setting of South Asia.

Academic freedom and the right to express one’s views in higher education (HE) are important for faculty and students alike, so enabling intellectual integrity and professional autonomy. However, this might not be the case for female academics in countries where females are marginalised, and their opinions are dominated and limited by the society and culture. Gender inequality and how it negatively influences the opportunities available for females to progress is a universal issue; however, although initiatives designed to tackle this problem are being seen to result in gradual improvement internationally, particularly in industrial countries, the situation in developing countries remains a concern. In developing countries, women tend to be either absent from many organisations or exist at the margins of organisational life with the result that they have fewer opportunities for development or career progression. This has a negative impact on the growth and development of a country at national level, particularly when there has been investment in female education from an earlier stage. It would seem that this certainly is the case in Pakistan where cultural norms intertwine with organisational politics thus militating against female employees. The experiences and issues discussed in this chapter highlight the social barriers faced by female academics in HE that have a significant impact on their academic freedom and expression.

This paper examines the Pakistani state's shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state's policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-à-vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the “Ahmadi issue” as a national question pertaining to democratic norms.

In India and Pakistan, issues of ethnicity, faith, language, Indigenous knowledge, and rights have had severe ramifications for the two countries' constitutional, educational, and political development. The idea to safeguard the interests of Indigenous and ethnic minorities has always been contentious in these countries. Furthermore, ethnic and Indigenous orientations have been camouflaged by these two states' facades of nationalism. Although the ideology of nationalism is defined as a feeling of belonging among the individuals of a nation and is based on religion, language, ethnic origins, and practices, the governments of both countries have made several attempts to change the concept of nationalism, using communalism as a tool to segregate people based on identity and question their loyalties. Postmodern and post-Marxist theorists have emphasized the need for plurality, identity, and heterogeneity in the political and educational discourse. It resulted in globalization, leading to the homogenization of cultural identities at both national and subnational levels.

The notion that a clash exists between the stability of the state and recognition of multiple cultural identities has had a drastic influence on the educational and political discourse within these two countries, as already the Subcontinent has been disintegrated into different nation-states.

Before the British colonial regime, Muslims in South Asia recognized a transnational notion of education that stretched on all sides, including the Middle East, Africa, Europe, and Central and South-East Asia, with a great social awakening and consciousness about the importance of inclusive education. Academia included theological and secular subjects and focused on producing thoughtful, sophisticated, and confident individuals ready to defend their beliefs with sound knowledge and reasoning. However, the British Raj in the 19th and 20th centuries had a lasting and indelible impression on the Muslims and the Islamic education system. British colonial regime challenged the theological discourse and education and compelled a Western style of education. These transformations in the education system raised several dilemmas and impasses for the Muslims of South Asia. Pakistan has remained a silent recipient of this tension underpinned in its educational systems even before its inception. This chapter traces the roots of education systems operating in Pakistan starting from the ninth century with the victory of Mohammad Bin Qasim through the 19th-century colonial rule of Great Britain until today, when the country offers a blend of diverse education systems. The study explores values embedded in different education systems operating in Pakistan. It is essential to understand the values inherent in these systems to see the harmony or conflict prevailing as a consequence which might have repercussions for the different societal segments and communities. Renewed focus toward value realization will facilitate refining educational frameworks and a promise for the acceptance of global and international advancements.

An estimated 52% of Pakistan’s population is under the age of 25, and like their counterparts elsewhere around the globe, Generation Z in Pakistan was born into a world overrun with technology, Internet, and social media. This generation of consumers possess information processing ability that is much faster than any other generation. Generation Z consumers in Pakistan are active users of social media platforms connecting with local and international users, brands and exchanging information, photos, videos, ideas, and opinions with people inside and outside Pakistan. To develop insights into the consumption patterns, preferences, attitudes, and preferences of this segment of consumers, this chapter provides an overview of cultural and social values underpinning consumption choices and social media preferences. The chapter identifies and discusses the dynamic nature of Generation Z in Pakistan by identifying some of its defining features: the generation consists of confident, able, and multilingual consumers who are largely collectivists in orientation but shows strong individualistic tendencies. Such consumers have a global outlook and actively seek engagement with brands via digital platforms and influencer marketers expecting authenticity, respect, and equality. The chapter discusses work-related implications such as the need for providing transformational leadership and training programs to harness the intellectual skills of Generation Z in Pakistan. The chapter concludes by identifying and discussing issues relevant to handling Generation consumers in Pakistan including effective marketing strategies.

The COVID-19 pandemic is having an unprecedented impact on schools and schoolchildren across the globe. There is still a dearth of studies that investigate this recent phenomenon in a developing country context, and this is true of Pakistan. Much of the population in Pakistan resides in rural settings and a lack of technology and of online provision of teaching for more than one year must have had huge negative impacts on students’ learning. The school dropout rate was already high in rural settings (Geven & Hasan, 2020) and, with school closures, this will likely have increased further, and cause some schoolchildren to lose interest in going back to school. However, no current data appear to exist to corroborate this. Due to the lack of available current quantitative and qualitative data, this study seeks to explore the impact of COVID-19 on schoolchildren’s education in Pakistan by examining recently published related studies. This study employs a literature review technique that gathers data to ascertain the potential overall impact on schoolchildren during the pandemic. The findings reveal that there remains a lack of detailed studies on this important topic and that urgent attention is needed from researchers to assess the scale of the impact. In addition, the review found that many children from rural communities had little to no school engagement due to technology poverty and their families being unable to support home-schooling, either due to family and/or work constraints or a lack of prior education and/or skills. Themes that emerged were that families, especially mothers, struggled to balance both caring and home-schooling duties, pupils from private schools had a better experience than those from public school backgrounds, and many of these reported that online provisions helped students develop new skills. This study may help to improve the understanding of the impact on the lost learning of schoolchildren during the pandemic by guiding practitioners as well as policymakers.

Teacher Education has been transforming throughout the world to cater to the emerging needs of quality education. Significant developments have taken place nationally and internationally in political, economic, and cultural fields, influencing education in general and teacher education in particular. The quality of education depends to a great extent on the quality of teachers. And, the quality of teachers depends on the way they are educated and trained. Pakistan has a vast education sector and a huge teaching force but teacher education in the country has not been keeping pace with modernization and development globally. Teacher education curricula, dissemination, evaluation and implementation revolved around traditional models for decades. However, there has been a growing realization to reform the teacher education system lately. The education policy (2009) of Pakistan indicates such realization on the part of the stakeholders. This chapter reports on an important teacher education reform program, which is based on collaboration between the government of Pakistan and the USAID. The Teacher Education Project (TEP), assisted by USAID, is a reform initiative that aimed at restructuring and modernizing teacher education in Pakistan. This chapter aims to provide insights into the objectives, importance and achievements of the project in terms of shaping the future direction of teacher education in Pakistan. It reports on the substantial structural and policy changes that took place in teacher education under the project. This chapter also highlights the possible challenges in the way of useful implementation and sustainability of this and similar education reform initiatives in Pakistan.

The aim of this chapter is to contribute toward the phenomena of women entrepreneurship from an emerging economy perspective through a dynamic capability's perspective. The challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in a nonsupportive entrepreneurial ecosystem reshaped by digitization will contribute to the burgeoning women entrepreneurship literature. In order to survive in a challenging entrepreneurial ecosystem, women entrepreneurs need dynamic capabilities to face the challenges of a modern digital world. This chapter problematizes the challenges of the digital world and its role in modern day businesses.

Pakistan had never been a place of serious and nuanced debate and contestation of politics of postcolonial critique, that is, the continuity of economic, political, and cultural dependency of newly independent countries (NICs) on ex-colonizers as pointed out by neocolonialism, dependency theory, and postcolonial theory, respectively. Instead, Pakistan is presented by extant liberal academic literature as a “failed nation” and a state dominated by the military and plagued by religious extremism. As opposed to this, through the literary and activists writings of Aziz-ul-Haq, this chapter will try to illustrate how cultural contestation of the nation-building project postindependence from British rule was a lot more complex and interesting in Pakistan. This was so because the nation-building project of Pakistan was, on the one hand, an amalgamation of Indo-Persian, Arab, Indian, and Western colonial and civilizational influences and, on the other hand, entailed suppression of resilient local and national cultures of its constituent nationalities developed over centuries. This was later expressed in ethno-nationalist politics. However, when it came to the politics of the marginalized in the late 1960s, there were important political, theoretical, and literary insights which caused a change in the direction of political practice in Pakistan, which paralleled the politics expressed by writers like Fanon and early Subaltern Studies influenced by the Naxal Movement in India. The contestation and confusion arising from this dialectic also entered Pakistan's literary and cultural sphere. This chapter not only tries to give a different postcolonial critique of the failure of nation-building project in Pakistan but, though at a preliminary level, is an attempt to separate the original postcolonial theory in its radical tradition from contemporary postmodern/poststructuralist postcolonial theory marked with pessimism and resignation.