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This purpose of this paper is to discuss the relationship between political independence and operational impartiality in regard to the effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies (ACAs). Against this background of western orthodoxy, it asks whether a non-western country with high levels of corruption (Vietnam being an example) can find another pathway in its efforts to effectively combat corruption.

An exercise in qualitative conceptual clarification and theoretical speculation, drawing upon practical examples.

It is argued that it is important to distinguish between de jure and de facto political independence, and that neither can be fully understood unless they are considered in relationship to other key values, particularly operational impartiality, public accountability, and systemic legitimacy, and in the context of bureaucratic politics. There is little coherent theoretical knowledge available about the relationships among these variables. Such values are central to western notions of “good government” but are much less institutionalised in non-western jurisdictions with high levels of corruption. The question is raised: can such countries, Vietnam being one example, develop effective anti-corruption strategies which because of the nature of their own political system, cannot depend on political independence for its ACAs?

Attention is drawn to some conceptual and putatively theoretical issues relating to the effectiveness of ACAs, and which have received little explicit attention in the relevant academic literature.

The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to ascertain the levels of effectiveness of the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) in China, Japan, Philippines, Singapore and Taiwan; second, to explain why some of these ACAs are more effective than others; and third, to suggest some policy recommendations for addressing their limitations.

This paper relies on three well-known international indicators to assess the perceived extent of corruption in the five countries. Similarly, their quality of governance is assessed by their total percentile rank on the World Bank’s six governance indicators in 2013.

Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau is effective because of its government’s political will and favorable policy context. The Philippines and Taiwan rely on ineffective multiple ACAs, which are inadequately staffed and funded, and compete with each other for limited resources. China’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is ineffective because corrupt party members are disciplined and not prosecuted, and the political leaders use corruption as a weapon against their opponents. Japan’s weak political will is reflected in its reluctance to address its structural corruption. This paper concludes with policy recommendations for enhancing the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five countries.

The comparative analysis of the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five Asian countries and the policy recommendations for addressing their limitations will be of interest to policy makers, scholars and anti-corruption practitioners.

The purpose of this paper is to explain Singapore’s success in combating corruption and to identify the lessons for policy makers concerned with enhancing the anti-corruption measures in their countries.

The paper provides a brief literature review and analysis of Singapore’s policy context before explaining Singapore’s success in combating corruption and identifying the lessons for policy makers to enhance the effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures in their countries.

Singapore’s success in combating corruption can be attributed to the political will of the People’s Action Party government and the effectiveness of the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau in investigating all corruption cases and enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially, without fear or favour. Extrapolating from Singapore’s success, policy makers in other countries can learn these lessons: the critical importance of political will; addressing the causes of corruption and learning from past mistakes; establishing and supporting an independent anti-corruption agency with adequate resources; enforcing the anti-corruption laws impartially but not selectively against the government’s political opponents; and combating corruption is a marathon requiring perseverance and sustained effort.

Scholars, policy makers and anti-corruption practitioners will be interested in learning how Singapore has succeeded in combating corruption as well as the relevant lessons for policy makers.

The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing corruption and to recommend three measures for enhancing South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy.

The paper compares the contextual differences between Singapore and South Korea before analysing Singapore’s effective anti-corruption strategy and identifying the weaknesses of South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy.

Singapore’s success in minimising corruption is the result of its government’s strong political will and the adequate budget, personnel and operational autonomy given to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau to enable it to enforce the anti-corruption laws impartially. To improve South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy, the Korea Anti-Corruption Agency should be established and adequately staffed and funded to investigate corruption cases. Those found guilty of corruption offences should be punished according to the law, without suspending their jail sentences or being pardoned by the president. Finally, the existing public outreach anti-corruption programmes should be evaluated to identify their weaknesses and improve their effectiveness.

This paper recommends three measures for South Korean policy-makers to improve their anti-corruption strategy by learning from Singapore’s success.

The purpose of this paper is to explain why Botswana, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, New Zealand, Rwanda and Singapore have succeeded in combating corruption and identify the lessons for policy makers in other countries.

The five countries are compared to identify the reasons for their success in combating corruption and the lessons that can be learnt by policy makers elsewhere.

Political will of the five governments is critical because combating corruption effectively requires them to provide the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) with the necessary powers, budget, personnel and independence to enforce the anti-corruption laws impartially. New Zealand has succeeded in curbing corruption without an ACA because it relies on other institutions to maintain its good governance. Singapore’s rejection of the ineffective British colonial government’s method of using the police to curb corruption and its reliance on a single ACA was emulated by Hong Kong, Botswana and Rwanda. However, having a single ACA does not guarantee success unless it has the powers, budget, personnel and independence to perform its functions impartially as a watchdog instead of an attack dog against the government’s political opponents. As combating corruption remains a work in progress in the five countries, their policy makers must sustain their effective ACAs to meet the rising threat of private sector corruption.

The paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers concerned with improving the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in those countries where corruption is rampant.

This paper aims to examine the authorities tasked to fight against money laundering in Tanzania and appraise the efficacy of the country’s anti-money institutional framework to tackle the problem.

The paper draws on a qualitative research and data generated from the analysis of documentary materials. It surveys the anti-money laundering (AML) law in Tanzania to describe the legal and institutional frameworks for tackling money laundering. It explores law-related and non-law aspects to interrogate and appraise the efficacy of Tanzania’s AML law and authorities. The qualitative data were generated using the thematic content analysis technique.

The law in Tanzania establishes authorities and vests them with powers to combat money laundering. The authorities, which are part of Tanzania’s AML institutional framework, have been instrumental in combating money laundering. Nevertheless, several law-related and non-law factors emasculate the efficacy of the AML law and authorities in Tanzania. Some political and economic factors wear off the effectiveness of the country’s AML institutional framework. The transnational nature and complexity of money laundering overwhelm the capacity of the AML authorities in Tanzania.

The paper provides useful insights on money laundering and the legal regime to counteract the scourge in Tanzania which sets up the country’s AML institutional framework. It raises some issues for researchers, policymakers and law enforcers who can re-examine the problem and revisit the law and re-evaluate authorities and propose measures that will enable the government to reinforce the country’s AML regime. The paper makes a case for the government to implement the reforms of the country’s AML policy, legal and institutional frameworks.

The paper investigates issues relating to money laundering and its control in Tanzania beyond the legal perspective to uncover limitations and challenges that emasculate the efficacy of the AML authorities in the Tanzanian context. The issues examined in this paper are not unique to Tanzania and, hence, have relevance to other jurisdictions in sub-Saharan Africa.

Big data analytics has emerged as one of the most used keywords in the digital world. The hype surrounding the buzz has led everyone to believe that big data analytics is the panacea for all evils. As the insights into this new field are growing and the world is discovering novel ways to apply big data, the need for caution has become increasingly important. The purpose of this paper is to conduct a literature review in the field of big data application for humanitarian relief and highlight the challenges of using big data for humanitarian relief missions.

This paper conducts a review of the literature of the application of big data in disaster relief operations. The methodology of literature review adopted in the paper was proposed by Mayring (2004) and is conducted in four steps, namely, material collection, descriptive analysis, category selection and material evaluation.

This paper summarizes the challenges that can affect the humanitarian logistical missions in case of over dependence on the big data tools. The paper emphasizes the need to exercise caution in applying digital humanitarianism for relief operations.

Most published research is focused on the benefits of big data describing the ways it will change the humanitarian relief horizon. This is an original paper that puts together the wisdom of the numerous published works about the negative effects of big data in humanitarian missions.

The purpose of the paper is to propose an effective approach of artificial intelligence (AI) addressing social-humanitarian reality comprising non-formalizable representation. The new task is to describe processes of integration of AI and humans in the hybrid systems framework.

Social-humanitarian dynamics contradict traditional characteristics of AI. Suggested methodology embraces formalized and non-formalized parts as a whole. Holonic and special convergent approaches are combined to ensure purposefulness and sustainability of collective decision-making. Inverse problem solving on topology spaces, control thermodynamics and non-formalizable (considering quantum and relativistic) semantics include observers of eigenforms of reality.

Collective decision-making cannot be represented only by formal means. Thus, this paper suggests the equation of hybrid reality (HyR), which integrates formalizable and non-formalizable parts conveying and coalescing holonic approaches, thermodynamic theory, cognitive modeling and inverse problem solving. The special convergent approach makes the solution of this equation purposeful and sustainable.

The suggested approach is far reaching with respect of current state-of-the-art technology; medium-term limitations are expected in the creation of cognitive semantics.

Social-humanitarian events embrace all phenomena connected with individual and collective human behavior and decision-making. The paper will impact deeply networked experts, groups of crowds, rescue teams, researchers, professional communities, society and environment.

New possibilities for advanced AI to enable purposeful and sustainable social-humanitarian subjects. The special convergent information structuring during collective decision-making creates necessary conditions toward the goals.

The purpose of this paper is to appraise the Nigerian Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) of their role in tackling systemic corruptions and to associate how institutional and organizational factors influence the performance of the EFCC.

Data were gathered through in-depth interviews, non-participatory observations and documentary analysis.

The results of the integrative analysis show that the EFCC has apparently been ineffective, and further improvization of the organization is needed. Poor performance of the EFCC was associated with factors such as lack of commitment, inefficient judiciary, insufficient budgets and incompetent personnel.

This study recommends further improvements in the form of a greater political will, improved legal process and also elevated budgetary funds and recruitment of personnel to the EFCC.

The study adopted a descriptive, qualitative case study approach to describe the current state of the EFCC in Nigeria.