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The purpose of this paper is to document the changes in low- and moderate-income occupational licensing over time.

Using US state level data, the authors document the rise in occupational licensing for low- and moderate-income occupations over the 1993-2012 period.

States averaged 32 additional low- and moderate-income occupations licensed over this period. Louisiana added the most licenses with 59 new licenses for these occupations, while Oklahoma and Kentucky only added 15 licenses for these low- and moderate-income occupations.

These data have not been documented before and should provide useful for future research into occupational licensing.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss new findings on municipal-level occupational licensing and other forms of regulation and introduce a new data set available for researchers to study this largely unexplored area.

Municipal occupational regulatory data were gathered in 2017 and 2018 from the 50 largest cities in the USA. Data available in the data set include city and state IDs, occupational IDs, requirements associated with the regulations (e.g. education, experience and fees), penalties for practicing without meeting the requirements, regulatory type and NAICS category. Descriptive statistics are used to present information about the number and types of occupations regulated and the number and types of regulations present in the cities.

The median number of occupations regulated by a city is 24.5, but the numbers per city vary substantially. The 1,832 occupations in the data set are distributed across every NAICS category. The most prevalent form of regulation is registration; certification is least used. Cities are quite diverse in the types of regulations applied to occupations, and the type of regulation varies substantially by industry type.

Research on licensing is dominated by state-level analyses. Largely absent are systematic analyses of licensing and other regulation at the municipal level, likely due to a lack of data. This means the current licensing literature underestimates – perhaps severely so – the prevalence, burdens and effects of licensing. The data introduced and discussed in this paper can help remedy this dearth of municipal licensing analyses.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent to which a character component is required for occupational licensing by state, industry and occupation. This study also investigates whether the good moral character (GMC) is defined and how GMC is defined in state statutes. Investigating the GMC requirement is important to society at large because character is a vital factor for trust and trust is an essential component to voluntary exchange and free markets. Investigating the GMC requirement is also important to the thousands of rehabilitated individuals who may be denied work in licensed occupations because of past transgressions.

The quantitative research data were collected from state licensing statutes. The number of licensed occupations within each of the 50 states that require GMC was tabulated, as well as the number of states that require GMC for licensing by industry group. In addition, an occupation that requires GMC in a high number of states was compared to an occupation that requires GMC in a low number of states within 11 industry groups. Finally, regulatory statutes were searched to determine how good moral character is defined by each of the state licensing boards for the select occupations.

This paper reports that the inclusion of a character component within regulatory licensing statutes varies widely by occupation and by state. The number of occupations requiring GMC ranged from 8 to 119 per state. The number of states requiring GMC ranged from 12 to 49 per industry group. Occupations within industry groups that are more frequently licensed are also more likely to require GMC than occupations that are less frequently licensed. Occupations that are more frequently licensed, however, are generally not more likely to define GMC in their regulatory statutes. Only accounting, an occupation that requires GMC in most states, also defines GMC in more states than any of the other select occupations.

Only state regulatory statutes were searched for definitions of GMC. Definitions could be included in other government documents such as rules or regulations. As these additional sources were not searched, the number of states that define GMC for the select occupations cited in this study may be understated.

Prior research has included only studies of the GMC requirement relating to the licensing of attorneys and accountants. The current research explores the extent that good moral character is required for licensing across states, industries and select occupations. This research agrees with prior research that GMC, although providing an important foundation for public trust, is typically not well-defined. To counter criticism of the requirement, this paper concludes with a call for the inclusion of a GMC definition within occupational licensing statutes that is “narrowly and precisely construed, avoiding problems of both vagueness and over breadth” (AICPA and NASBA, 2018).

The purpose of this paper is to present a new data set documenting various costs to starting a business across the 50 US states for the year 2011.

The first ranking weights and organizes measures using principal components analysis. The second ranking averages subcomponents of the data across groups of variables with common themes.

Most states largely maintain their relative position across both Methods 1 and 2 despite the difference in organization and weight of variables and groups across the two ranking methods – 21 of the top 25 states remained in the top 25 in both the Methods 1 and 2 rankings. Some states experience not insignificant changes between the two indexes and a few experience substantial changes. These changes can be attributed to the importance Method 1 places upon final fees, final processing time, and application formats for the Secretary of State.

A lack of empirical evidence, additional data, and a definitive theory on the impacts of barriers to entry measures for the USA constrains both how the data are presented as well as which measures were collected. This paper attempts to accommodate for this by presenting rankings derived from different methodologies.

The composite barriers to entry measures can be used in policy analysis and possible research on rent-seeking. These data can also be used to study the determinants and relative costs of entrepreneurship.

This paper presents entry-specific regulatory measures currently undocumented in the literature.

This study acts as a proof of concept to address how general, broadly applicable barriers to starting a business impact entry across various firm sizes.

The following investigation uses barriers to entry data in Teague (2016) to explore the costs of government intervention within the United States for 2011.

Results from cross sectional regression analysis of business entry rates across nine different business size classifications on a composite barrier to entry variable yield two main findings: (1) increase in barriers to entry decrease business growth for most establishment sizes and (2) increase in barriers to entry for larger firms result in positive entry rates.

This study is the first exploration of general, broadly applicable barriers to entry measures and entry rates. Its preliminary findings suggest that barriers to entry encourage development of larger business sizes at the possible expense of smaller businesses. This result encourages further work into the interconnectedness of government and business.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how occupational licensing costs within a state affect the performance of self-employed firms, as measured through annual sales.

This study utilizes an empirical approach to determine if there are additional effects on the annual sales for firms that are self-employed in high-cost states that are not explained through the individual estimations. Since the choice of self-employment is plausibly nonrandom, this study also uses a propensity score matching method to develop a matched subsample of self-employed and employee-maintaining firms. This selection methodology ensures that the set of self-employed and employee-maintaining firm observations are similar in all measurable attributes besides their regulatory environment and firm structure. Using this representative subsample, the empirical framework is repeated to reevaluate the effects of high occupational licensing fees on the sales of self-employed firms.

In both the unmatched and matched samples, there are significant, large, negative interactions representing a reduction in annual sales per employee within self-employed firms relative to employee-maintaining firms when located in states with above-average occupational licensing costs. The results using the matched subsamples are noticeably smaller in magnitude, which indicates that future policy assessments would benefit from ensuring that the sample pool, when dealing with self-employment, is limited only to firms under a common convex hull in order to not skew the size of results.

This study contributes new understanding of the financial relationship of self-employed firms and occupational licensing costs using firm-level observations of sales and firm structure. This has important policy implications for the development and evaluation of occupational licensing policies when considering effects on the self-employed.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the labor market entry of real estate agents in the USA and the potential effect of occupational licensing on entry.

Data from the 2012 to 2017 American Community Survey are linked to local housing price fluctuations from the Federal Housing Finance Agency for 100 large metro areas. The cost of entry associated with occupational licensing for new real estate agents is carefully measured for each market and interacted with housing fluctuations to investigate the role for barriers to entry.

A 10 percent increase in housing prices is associated with a 4 percent increase in the number of agents. However, increased license stringency reduces the labor market response by 30 percent. The impact of licensing is stronger for women and younger workers.

This work contributes to the growing literature investigating the impact of occupational licensing on labor supply and entry in the USA, as well as potential impacts of regulation on dynamism and entrepreneurship. To the authors’ knowledge, this study is also the first to quantify the cost of occupational licensing in the real estate industry.

This study aims to analyze the trends for crime and STDs after the passage of massage therapist licensing. In 1977, Texas passed a law permitting county-level licensing laws for massage therapists, which was soon followed by a statewide licensing requirement in 1985. This early massage therapy law was upheld by the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. Massage therapy licensing is commonly associated with preventing crime, specifically prostitution. However, massage parlors also represent an opportunity for entrepreneurs starting businesses, who face significant barriers to entry across the USA.

The authors analyze the effect of state- and city-level licensing of massage therapists on crime and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases using data from the FBI Uniform Crime Reports from 1985–2013 and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention between 1993-2015.

The authors find that state- and city-level licensing of massage therapists was not associated with preventing crimes related to prostitution or reducing sexually transmitted diseases. This analysis is consistent with the hypothesis that relaxing the stringency of massage therapist licensing would not lead to increases in crime or additional spread of disease while likely encouraging entrepreneurship.

This study is one of the first to examine the effects of city-level licensing on health and safety of consumers.

The purpose of this paper is to review the use of “competence” as a concept and through the use of occupational competence standards in six European countries.

Partners in an Erasmus+ project in each of the six countries prepared a review of the use of “competence” in their countries using a common template. The authors of this paper reviewed additional literature, summarised the individual country reviews and provided an analysis and commentary.

“Competence” is becoming a widely used concept across Europe, but its interpretation and application both vary. Between them, the countries in the study illustrate the use of separate occupational standards, both as a national strategy and developed by self-governing professions; as well as competence embedded directly in qualification and training specifications. The use of separate standards as a mandatory component in national vocational education and training systems is questioned, while the use of appropriate standards for licensing and qualified status is largely endorsed.

The country reviews were conducted principally from the perspective of informing the developments taking place in the project, so were not comprehensive and also differed in emphasis between countries.

The study points to the need to avoid promoting any particular model of occupational competence at a European level, as opposed to seeking common ground that will aid mutual recognition of qualifications. It also cautions against the uncritical transfer of models and policies from one national system to another.

The paper provides additional evidence against “policy borrowing” without careful consideration of context, and contrasts the use of competence standards as part of a system-wide strategy with their tailored application for specific purposes.