Search results

There are many indications that government policymakers and supporters of large-scale nuclear expansion in Poland have not seriously grappled with arguments critical of this direction of the country's power development. Instead, there is a mood of euphoric elation in these circles without even an attempt to reflect on why this kind of nuclear power is in a state of perennial crisis and lack of development prospects in Western countries.

The purpose of this chapter is to consider from an economic perspective the potential role of nuclear power in decarbonising the Polish power sector. It needs to answer two questions: why not develop large-scale nuclear power and why small modular reactors (SMRs) can be a better alternative for decarbonisation of the Polish power sector.

The primary research method used in the preparation of this chapter is a critical analysis and synthesis of the literature on the subject.

A technological revolution will offer electricity customers increasingly better alternatives. Among them there is also technology of SMRs which seems to be much less risky option in terms of its compatibility with the direction of the power sector's evolution as well as cost of sectors’ decarbonisation.

With the increase in population, the energy needs of countries are also increasing. These countries have difficulties in meeting these increasing needs. Countries that cannot meet this need have to import energy from abroad. This situation adversely affects the current account balance of countries. Nuclear energy investments allow countries to obtain their own energy, although there are some criticisms. In this framework, while some countries in the world increase their nuclear energy investments, some countries do not have any nuclear power plants (NPP). There are 32 such countries where nuclear energy projects are running till date. Therefore, it is very important to determine the socio-economic variables of countries that have nuclear energy investments. In this context, a detailed literature analysis will be made first to determine socio-economic criteria. Then, the importance weights of these factors will be calculated using the Decision Making Trial and Evaluation Laboratory (DEMATEL) method. The profiles of the countries that make nuclear energy investments demonstrate that education level is the most essential socio-economic factor for the improvement of nuclear energy investments. Also, income inequality is another important variable in this regard. However, consumption behaviour and saving behaviour have the lowest weights.

The purpose of this study is to explore the role of direct public engagement in shaping the sustainability image of nuclear energy in the UAE and the Arabian Gulf region. The study aims to measure the conflicting viewpoints of stakeholders, particularly the local community, regarding nuclear energy's dependability, cost-effectiveness, safety and environmental friendliness. The study also seeks to assess the effectiveness of direct stakeholder engagement strategies in enhancing public confidence in nuclear energy as a safe and sustainable source of electricity.

This study uses a quantitative-methods research design and used a sample of 318 participants. The SPSS AMOS application was used to conduct a structural equation model analysis. The purpose of this analysis is to examine the relationships among variables that constitute the key constructs of the study. In addition, confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess the reliability of the testing approach. Various fit indices and measurements, such as chi-square ratio, degrees of freedom, GFI, CFI and RMSEA, were used to evaluate the adequacy of the model.

The study finds that the construct “Direct Stakeholder Engagement (DSE)” has a positive effect on the dependent variables “Trust in Nuclear Sustainability (TNS)” and “Perception of Nuclear Energy as Safe (PNE)” with a probability value of (0.003, p < 0.05). Therefore, the hypothesis of the study is deemed acceptable. Hence, it can be concluded that each of the foregoing variables (DSE1, 2, 3, 4 and 5) and (TNS1, 2, 3, 4 and 5) with (PNE1, 2 and 3) have been observed and analysed in this study, and based on this analysis, it is plausible that the public's trust in nuclear sustainability and their acceptance of nuclear energy as a safe source of their nation's electricity can be positively affected by direct stakeholder engagement.

The study's findings have implications for policymakers and managers of nuclear power plants in the UAE and the Arabian Gulf region. The study provides insights into effective stakeholder engagement strategies that can enhance public participation and confidence in nuclear energy. The study's recommendations highlight the importance of incorporating public opinion in policymaking and management practices to address conflicting viewpoints and enhance public trust in nuclear sustainability. The study's findings also contribute to the ongoing discourse on nuclear sustainability and provide insights into the role of direct public engagement in shaping public perception of nuclear energy.

This study's originality lies in its focus on the UAE and the Arabian Gulf region, where nuclear energy is a critical source of electricity. The study contributes to the limited research on stakeholder engagement and public perception of nuclear energy in the region. The study's novel framework of stakeholder engagement, tailored to cultural dimensions, provides insights into effective engagement strategies that can enhance public participation and confidence in nuclear energy. The study's quantitative-methods research design also provides a comprehensive understanding of the conflicting viewpoints of stakeholders, enhancing the understanding of the role of direct public engagement in shaping public perception of nuclear energy.

This paper aims to provide a case study of complex conflict management within the arms race on the Korean Peninsula. Exploring the complex nexus of nuclear weapons, asymmetry and a qualitative arms race, the study explains how the arms race between Seoul and Pyongyang has promoted stability on the Korean Peninsula.

Presenting the limits of arguments that the US security guarantee is the factor that saved the two Koreas from going to war again, this paper explores the utility of the inter-Korean arms race as a stabilizer that promotes indirect negotiations. While presenting Korean anomalies, this paper analyzes the three stages of the inter-Korean arms race – especially its nuclear weapons, its asymmetry and the nature of arms races – and provides extant explanations on the causes and consequences of the qualitative arms race. These key elements drive the states’ strategic motives.

Using the case of the inter-Korean qualitative arms race and US extended nuclear deterrence on the Korean Peninsula, the study shows the complexities of conflict management today. This paper identifies three contributing factors – US nuclear weapons, asymmetry and the qualitative characteristic of the arms race – to explain the enduring stability on the peninsula despite the arms race’s intensification. The paper finds that although US nuclear-extended deterrence plays a critical role, it does not capture the full context of the ongoing, dynamic inter-Korean arms race; a prolonged arms race between the two Koreas has become a new regularity; the qualitative characteristic of the inter-Korean arms race, which is driven by technological advancement, contributes to stability in the arms race; and as the constant mismatch in priority technologies becomes more severe, the changes to the existing asymmetry could increase instability.

This paper offers a diverse perspective to the literature on conflict management and captures the complexities of 21^st-century conflict management. Through a thorough examination of the inter-Korean arms race, it brings readers’ attention to the nested dynamics within the arms race and shows how an intensifying arms race can promote stability. Furthermore, the paper explains the implications for potential instability – fueled by the comprehensive mix of a dynamic qualitative arms race and the US extended nuclear deterrence – in the Indo-Pacific region.

This paper aims to examine the regional dynamics that further consolidated Israel’s national security in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, reflecting upon the nuclear challenge between Iran and Israel and Iran's expanding activities in the region.

To prove the central argument, the study uses a conceptual framework that centers on deterrence as the main approach used by states to consolidate their influence in the Middle East region.

Iran's nuclear progress and influence in the region has strengthened Israel’s security and fostered an unprecedented open rapprochement led by USA efforts with the Gulf regimes.

The paper draws particular attention to the Iran–Israel nuclear competency, and the Israeli preferred policy options regarding Iranian activities in the region amid turbulent Middle East. In addition, the paper offers insight to the regional dynamics that further consolidated Israel’s national security in the region while maintaining a status of Arab vulnerability and backwardness.