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The purpose of this paper is to map out the connection between paradiplomacy, policy instruments and soft power and propose a theoretical framework for consideration.

This research adopted a qualitative research approach involving in-depth interviews with government officials from the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices and two Hong Kong film directors.

The research has discovered that the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) lacks a holistic strategy and policy to boost Hong Kong’s visibility in the global context. The HKSAR Government exhibits an incomplete understanding of the concept of soft power and ignores the values cherished in the civil society.

This investigation provides a background against which Hong Kong’s policymakers could devise a paradiplomatic strategy. This study suggests that political and social actors in Hong Kong must help to strengthen the city’s global position through strategic investments and the deployment of its soft power at home and aboard. The paradiplomacy of Hong Kong can serve as one of the effective tools to improve the legitimacy of “One Country, Two Systems.”

There is no study on the application of soft power under the framework of paradiplomacy. This paper represents a new direction of research in the area of Hong Kong, international status and its external affairs.

To fill the gap in the existing literature on the 20th anniversary of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), the purpose of this paper is to critically reflect upon the continuities and changes of the city’s relations with the world.

The paper has adopted a generic approach to shed light on the factors behind the evolution of the international status of Hong Kong from a by-product of geopolitics to a global city in its own right, to understand how the city has been perceived by traditional western partners after 1997 and to investigate how China has made use Hong Kong’s international status.

It has shown that Beijing’s strategy toward Hong Kong has been marred by the inherent tensions between “becoming Chinese” and “remaining global.” The official discourse of functionalism, according to which economic and professional ties are both the most acceptable and therefore the least resisted pathways available for the development of Hong Kong’s external relations, has the opposite effect of expanding Beijing’s control over the city.

In contrast to the HKSAR Government’s belief that Hong Kong will certainly benefit from the emergence of China, the city has found itself on a shorter leash than ever. It has therefore pinpointed the pitfalls of the logic of functionalism which has dominated the existing literature as much as the policy-making process.

The purpose of this paper is to present an analytical framework to examine the impact of international factors on “One Country, Two Systems” in general and Hong Kong’s democratization in particular.

The paper has adopted a behavioral approach to identify the agents, mechanisms and observable facets of external–internal interactions.

The need for international recognition on the performance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) under Chinese sovereignty has provided external actors with the necessary leverage. Though the impact of the international community has been indirect and limited, the authors have identified two mechanisms – lesson drawing and socialization – whereby the impact of international actors and their actions towards Hong Kong may be subtly felt. Moreover, there are at least three observable facets of external actions which are pertinent to the democracy issue. At the end of day, the external impacts will be determined not by the international actors per se but the balance of power between the domestic actors in Hong Kong.

There is a scholarly consensus that international factors matter to Hong Kong. But there has been a lack of serious investigation as to why and how they matter. The observable facets of external–internal interactions and the mechanisms identified in this work have not only enriched our understanding of the relevance of external factors in Hong Kong affairs, but also provided a sound foundation for future research.

The purpose of this paper is to examine economic relations between Hong Kong and the UK, especially since 2012, in order to shed light on the management of Hong Kong’s external relations.

The context for the research is discussion of “grey areas” between Hong Kong’s external relations and foreign affairs. Research is based on textual analysis of British and some Hong Kong policy documents, government statements and media reports, as well as personal discussions with many involved in UK-Hong Kong ties.

The paper finds that the UK-Hong Kong economic relationship is managed autonomously, demonstrating Hong Kong’s external economic affairs and bilateral exchanges being practised with a high degree of autonomy. It also shows the importance that the British government attaches to its economic relationship with Hong Kong in its own right, and the likely increase in that importance as Brexit unfolds.

The paper engages in detailed analysis of economic relations between the UK and Hong Kong, in contrast to most post-1997 studies which have focused on Hong Kong’s ties with the USA or European Union.

Many scholars would agree that the international status of Hong Kong is one of the crucial factors that contribute to the continued success of Hong Kong. However, few of them explain the origin of Hong Kong’s international status. The purpose of this paper is to fill this literature gap through the case study of Hong Kong’s admission to an international organization – the Asian Development Bank (ADB) – in the late 1960s.

Based on declassified archives, a historical approach has been adopted to trace the origin of Hong Kong’s international status.

The findings suggest that Cold War geopolitics, both local and regional level, explain why Hong Kong, even though remained as a dependent territory of Britain, became a member of an international organization independent from the British influence. While geopolitics at local level incentivized the colonial government to “go out” for external support, geopolitics at the regional level provided an opportunity for Hong Kong to acquire membership of the ADB.

This paper is among the first academic study on the origin of Hong Kong’s international status.

The Government of Sierra Leone has launched a strategic plan 2019–2022 that includes a large focus on new large infrastructure. This plan includes the Lungi Bridge project, a 7-km bridge for connecting the capital city Freetown with the Lungi airport, procured with a public–private partnership (PPP) model. This study aims to reflect on seven issues regarding the plan implementation and the procurement of the Lungi Bridge project.

This study uses case study analysis (Sierra Leone’s infrastructure plan), in which existing literature and expertise is applied to discuss/reflect the implications for the future.

Among other reflections, this study addresses the benefits and risks of using a PPP option with non-sovereign guarantee, off-balance sheet treatment and a special purpose vehicle for multiple projects; this study also discusses the social risk of misperceiving the bridge as a basic essential transport option (non-voluntary).

The reflective process can contribute significantly to policymakers in Sierra Leone and its neighbour countries, as it is a contextualised analysis for the country.

Many studies have addressed existing PPP projects and contexts for low-income countries. However, to best of the author’s knowledge, the analysis of a single government infrastructure plan has not been addressed. Moreover, for the Sierra Leone’s context, this is unique.

The purpose of this article is to assess strategies available to recipient states for managing the putative risks posed by sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) in the context of global, liberalized, and capital markets.

The paper employs a game theory analysis in assessing these risks. Four basic scenarios are outlined whereby recipient states may interact with SWFs: “unselfish recipient state – unselfish SWF” (Option 1); “unselfish recipient state – Selfish SWF” (Option 2); “Selfish Recipient State – unselfish SWF” (Option 3); and “Selfish Recipient State – Selfish SWF” (Option 4).

In the light of this analysis, and the balance of risks which the authors perceive recipient states are exposed to in practice, the authors claim that recipient states ought, rationally, to adopt a selfish regulatory strategy irrespective of the strategy which SWFs adopt in practice.

This claim does not deny the importance of voluntary international measures – such as the “Santiago principles” – in the way SWFs are regulated. Rather, it seeks to show that according to a game theory analysis, and an attempted application of that analysis in practice, undue reliance by recipient states on international “soft law” regulatory initiatives to regulate SWF activity (which constitutes the current international consensus) is strategically unwise.

The purpose here is to show how the “shadow” economy has grown in scale and impetus in recent years, though even before modern times it has been present (e.g. the City of London, Shaxson, 2011) since at least the middle ages. The reasons for this have become complicated, but we can identify some “deep structures” that are common. Firstly, “globalisation” made it easier for multinationals to escape national regulatory regimes. Secondly, one of the ways neoliberal trading regulations allowed such actors to augment their assets was by means of what they initially called “transfer-pricing” but which now is officially known as “profit shifting” through tax havens. Thirdly, the growth in international trade in legal and illegal ways caused money laundering – even by otherwise respectable banks – to grow across borders. Conversely, from the supply-side, tax haven status was increasingly accessed by jurisdictions that sought to achieve economic growth by supplying tax haven services, both Delaware and Ireland as exemplars of a “developmental” fiscal policy.

This paper adopts a “pattern recognition” design, an approach that is abductive, meaning interpretive, as shown in the observation that explanation can be valid or reliable without direct observation. This is shown in the indirect observation that “rain fell because the terrace has puddles” or “ancient glaciers once carved this valley”.

Reviewing the European Union’s (EU) list of non-co-operating jurisdictions in support of the OECD’s review of base erosion and profit-shifting activity, Collin concluded the EU’s listing “moved the needle” somewhat but was only a modest success. This is because of its reluctance to sanction its own members or large economies like the USA. Data on foreign direct investment and offshore banking assets suggest listed jurisdictions did not suffer notably from being named and shamed. In all cases studied, this contribution found legally damaging, fraudulent, conflict of interest and corrupt practice activities everywhere.

The originality is found in three spheres. Firstly, the pattern recognition method was vindicated in yielding hard to research results. Secondly, the “assemblage-thirdspace” theory was found advantageous in demonstrating the uneven geography of tax haven clusters and their common history in turbocharging economic development. Finally, the empirics showed the ruses executed by cluster members in tax havens to circumvent the law from global management consultancies to micro-firms consisting of tax lawyers and other experts interacting in knowledge supply chains of dubious morality.