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This study aims to explore and document some of the phenomena that seem to have toxified the trans debate.

To create a partial compilation of the phenomena most known to cloud human judgement and reasoning, using the trans debate as the prime example.

The trans debate seems to have been increasingly toxified in ways predicted by well-documented psychological phenomena.

Although much is known about the psychological toxifiers on an individual basis, little is known about how they interact to cause the emergence and amplification of toxic debate.

It is anticipated by studying the emergence of the toxicity around the trans debate, that the descent into toxic discourse in many other contexts can be better understood.

If lessons can be learnt from the descent into toxicity in the trans debate, and its participants become aware of their behaviour, perhaps they can better work towards a mutually acceptable solution.

By compiling the factors responsible for the toxification of debate, it is hoped that what appear to be the precursors of all conflict and war can be better understood, prevented or avoided.

This study aims to delve into the complex relationship between whistleblowing and mental health. It explores the various psychological burdens and costs associated with reporting wrongdoing, and the factors that exacerbate these burdens.

A collation of experiences and shared observations drawn from working with many whistleblowers across several industries.

The damage done, by the wrongdoers who retaliate against heroes of integrity (aka, whistleblowers), in most cases, destroys the lives and mental health of the person who does their civic, moral or legal duty, to address the illegalities they found. The State does not protect those who protect the State from harm done to the State. In the UK, the State, by its lack of support, further damages heroes of integrity, and witnessing that may encourage future potential whistleblowers to stay silent, thus encouraging more wrongdoing, which harms the State.

The pattern of attacks on whistleblowers by wrongdoers is highly predictable, as are the mental health consequences that follow. More research is needed to identify the causal chain that directly links the pattern of whistleblower retaliation to the devastating mental health harm that follows.

The mental health and reputational harm done to whistleblowers by the retaliation they suffer, in the vast majority of cases, both removes them from making a contribution to the economy and renders them dependent on the State, for life. The harm done to whistleblowers by the wrongdoers, with no viable means of legal redress being available for whistleblowers, sends a chilling signal to anyone who would seek to expose organisational wrongdoing.

If a society asks its citizens to comply with the law and imposes a moral, ethical and even legal duty on its citizens to address any wrongdoing they witness and yet does not protect those citizens from retaliation by the wrongdoers, then that society cannot expect citizens to do the right thing. That is evidenced by the fact that most people choose silent complicity when they encounter wrongdoing.

Until whistleblowing law protects right-doers from wrongdoers, those who are contemplating protecting society from organisational crimes would be well advised to join the vast ranks of the silently complicit rather than have their lives destroyed.

The purpose of this paper is to present a brief analytical summary of the current downturn in the UK housing sector. It then aims to ask whether the severity of the slowdown and its eventual consequences have been exacerbated by key aspects of housing and welfare policy.

The paper examines: the promotion of property as an investment by successive UK governments since the Second World War; how the investment emphasis of policy enabled the promotion and growth of private rental partly funded through buy‐to‐let mortgages – a new financial product that allows individuals to take out a mortgage on a property for letting purposes; the expansion of cheap credit, due in part to the burgeoning securitised lending sector drawing heavily on housing equity (the decline of which is implicated in the current economic downturn); and reforms of the welfare system in the mid 1990s that have severely weakened the safety net for low‐income mortgage borrowers who are most vulnerable to market turbulence.

It was found that there are wider questions to be asked of the current downturn than how deep or how long the current recession will be. More important questions relate to the role that housing policy has played in exacerbating volatility and the future implications for modernizing housing policy.

The paper identifies a number of key research questions that follow from the analysis regarding the winners and losers of homeownership and the concomitant implications for policy.

The paper identifies areas of government failure relevant to the current crisis and knowledge gaps that need to be addressed in order to develop a coherent evidence base on which to base future reform of housing policy. As such, the findings will be of interest to policy makers and housing researchers.

This study proposes a novel method utilising a speech-word pair bipartite network to examine the correlation structure between members of parliament (MPs) in the context of the UK- China relationship.

We construct MP-word pair bipartite networks based on the co-occurrence relationship between MPs and words in their speech content. These networks are then mapped into monopartite MPs correlation networks. Additionally, the study calculates correlation network indicators and identifies MP communities and factions to determine the characteristics of MPs and their interrelation in the UK-China relationship. This includes insights into the distribution of key MPs, their correlation structure and the evolution and development trends of MP factions.

Analysis of the parliamentary speeches on China-related affairs in the British Parliament from 2011 to 2020 reveals that the distribution and interrelationship of MPs engaged in UK-China affairs are centralised and discrete, with a few core MPs playing an integral role in the UK-China relationship. Among them, MPs such as Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon, David Cameron, Lord Hunt of Chesterton and Lord Howell of Guildford formed factions with significant differences; however, the continuity of their evolution exhibits unstableness. The core MP factions, such as those led by Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon and David Cameron, have achieved a level of maturity and exert significant influence.

The research has several limitations that warrant acknowledgement. First, we mapped the MP-word pair bipartite network into the MP correlation network for analysis without directly analysing the structure of MPs based on the bipartite network. In future studies, we aim to explore various types of analysis based on the proposed bipartite networks to provide more comprehensive and accurate references for studying UK-China relations. In addition, we seek to incorporate semantic-level analyses, such as sentiment analysis of MPs, into the MP-word -pair bipartite networks for in-depth analysis. Second, the interpretations of MP structures in the UK-China relationship in this study are limited. Consequently, expertise in UK-China relations should be incorporated to enhance the study and provide more practical recommendations.

Firstly, the findings can contribute to an objective understanding of the characteristics and connotations of UK-China relations, thereby informing adjustments of focus accordingly. The identification of the main factions in the UK-China relationship emphasises the imperative for governments to pay greater attention to these MPs’ speeches and social relationships. Secondly, examining the evolution and development of MP factions aids in identifying a country’s diplomatic focus during different periods. This can assist governments in responding promptly to relevant issues and contribute to the formulation of effective foreign policies.

First, this study expands the research methodology of parliamentary debates analysis in previous studies. To the best of our knowledge, we are the first to study the UK-China relationship through the MP-word-pair bipartite network. This outcome inspires future researchers to apply various knowledge networks in the LIS field to elucidate deeper characteristics and connotations of UK-China relations. Second, this study provides a novel perspective for UK-China relationship analysis, which deepens the research object from keywords to MPs. This finding may offer important implications for researchers to further study the role of MPs in the UK-China relationship.

This study proposes a novel scheme for analysing the correlation structure between MPs based on bipartite networks. This approach offers insights into the development and evolving dynamics of MPs.