I. Introduction For over forty years, a model for Third World development has gained widespread acceptance. Three key premises underpin the traditional development model: (1) the identification of “development” with the maximization of the rate of national economic growth; (2) the quest to achieve Western living standards and levels of industrialization which require the transfer of labor from the agricultural to the industrial sector as well as increased consumerism; and (3) the integration into the interdependence of Third World nations in the global economy and the global marketplace. Increasing the demand for a Third World nation's exports (in other words, export‐led growth) is viewed as leading to the maximization of a nation's Gross National Product (GNP).
At an anecdotal level it is puzzling that senior management will often spend more time in researching and assessing their needs towards the goal of getting the right…
At an anecdotal level it is puzzling that senior management will often spend more time in researching and assessing their needs towards the goal of getting the right colour co‐ordinated office furniture or equipment than they will assessing and selecting employees. It is my personal observation that staff selection interviews in local authority schools and colleges tend in terms of cost to, and commitment of, the organisation, to be given relatively less attention than buying less expensive equipment. A 20 minute “chat” may commit the school or college to £1,000,000 of salary expenditure over a length of employment with low productivity and poor performance outcomes.
Presents Chapter I of Laughlin Currie's PhD thesis in which he discusses the history of bank assets and banking theory.
Outlines the organizational and personal issues that white employeecounsellors may face when counselling black employees in the workplace.Discusses training issues and…
Outlines the organizational and personal issues that white employee counsellors may face when counselling black employees in the workplace. Discusses training issues and explores counsellor awareness, openness and attitudes.
Research suggests that African-Caribbeans are less likely than their white British counterparts to ask for mental health support (Cooper et al., 2013). This is despite…
Research suggests that African-Caribbeans are less likely than their white British counterparts to ask for mental health support (Cooper et al., 2013). This is despite research identifying that minority groups as a whole, when compared to the white majority, report higher levels of psychological distress and a marked lack of social support (Erens, Primatesta, & Prior, 2001). Those who do request support are less likely to receive antidepressants (British Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities, 1994; Cooper et al., 2010) even when controlling for mental health symptom severity, with African-Caribbeans less likely to make use of medication for depression even when prescribed (Bhui, Christie, & Bhugra, 1995; Cooper et al., 2013). Studies reporting on reasons for black people being less likely to attend for mental health consultation with their GP suggest a variety of explanations why this may be, focussing both on the suspicion of what services may offer (Karlsen, Mazroo, McKenzie, Bhui, & Weich, 2005) and the concern of black clients that they may experience a racialised service with stigma (Marwaha & Livingstone, 2002). Different understandings and models of mental illness may also exist (Marwaha & Livingstone, 2002). Different perspectives and models of mental health may deter black people from making use of antidepressants even when prescribed. Despite a random control trial showing that African-Caribbean people significantly benefit from targeted therapy services (Afuwape et al., 2010), the government, despite a report by the Department of Health in 2003 admitting there was no national strategy or policy specifically targeting mental health of black people or their care and treatment has not yet built on evidence-based success. One important aspect recognised by the Department of Health (2003), was that of the need to develop a mental health workforce capable of providing efficacious mental health services to a multicultural population. Although there were good strategic objectives little appeared to exist in how to meet this important objective, particularly in the context of research showing that such service provision could show real benefit. The Department of Health Guidelines (2003) focussed on the need to change what it termed as ‘conventional practice’, but was not specific in what this might be, or even how this could improve services to ethnic minorities. There was discussion of cultural competencies without defining what these were or referencing publications where these would be identified. There was a rather vague suggestion that recent work had begun to occur, but no indication that this had been evaluated and shown to have value (Royal College of Psychiatrists, 2001). Neither British Association for Counselling and Psychotherapy nor British Psychological Society makes mention of the need for cultural competencies in organisational service delivery to ethnic minority clients. This chapter will describe, explore and debate the need for individual and organisational cultural competencies in delivering counselling and psychotherapy services to African-Caribbean people to improve service delivery and efficacious outcomes.
The practice of transracial adoption often triggers strong emotions, effecting views on its ethical validity, both from individuals who are pro transracial adoption and those who strongly resist transracial adoption. This chapter will consider transracial adoption of children of African-Caribbean origin and its psychological impact along a continuum of psychological wellbeing, psychological adjustment and aspects of mental health. The chapter will draw on literature from the USA and, where available, from the UK.
One of the earliest publications on transracial adoption by Grow and Shapiro (1974) explored the psychological adjustment of African-American children placed within white American families. This study along with later studies (Silverman & Feigelman, 1981) concluded that the children were adjusting well in placement. Further early research appeared to suggest that transracial placements have little negative impact on issues of self-esteem, racial or self-identity or intellectual development (Curtis, 1996; Hayes, 1993; Hollingsworth, 1997, 1998; McRoy, 1994; Simon, Altstein & Melli, 1994; Vrogeh, 1997).
The undermining impact on mental health for transracial adoptees appears to be an argument related to the disconnect between the child’s developing racial identity and lack of preparation for racism and the cultural and ethnic group social devaluation likely to be experienced in a white racist society. The impact of loss of ethnic identity is said to be a key issue in the research on transracial adoption. Ethnic identity is the connection or recognition that one is a member of a specific ethnic or racial group and coming to adopt those associated characteristics into the group associated cultural and historical connections into oneself identity (Rotheram & Phinney, 1987). The establishment of a secure and accurate racial identity is said to be a protective factor in psychological adjustment. This chapter will explore issues and narratives related to this argument.
Spectacular bankruptcies of the Orange County Investment Pool in December 1994 and Barings Bank in February 1995 mounted a pressure on the U.S. Financial Accounting…
Spectacular bankruptcies of the Orange County Investment Pool in December 1994 and Barings Bank in February 1995 mounted a pressure on the U.S. Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) to issue Statement No. 133, Accounting for Derivatives Instruments and Hedging Activities (FAS 133). Although measuring derivatives at fair value is a major improvement in accounting for derivatives, such type of accounting falls short of quantifying and reporting the risk of losses associated with derivative instruments. The purpose of this paper is to suggest an alternative approach to market valuation by integrating quantitative market risk estimation into the valuation method. The paper will use the Barings Bank experience to demonstrate how FAS no. 133 disclosure falls short of disclosing the magnitude of the market risk held by the bank at the end of 1994. It will also demonstrate how using a risk‐impacted value would have improved the disclosure of how much the bank stood to lose from their open positions.