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Since 2004, the British Government has delivered a national policy on social marketing that has created a new frame of reference in this field. This paper aims to study the genesis, evolution and implementation of the policy process that led to an important development in British public health.

An in-depth multifaceted single case study, mixing qualitative and quantitative data including participatory research, enabled by a cognitive approach based on elements of knowledge, ideas, representations and social beliefs in the elaboration of a public policy.

This approach to understanding the British policy on social marketing process demonstrates a useful explanatory capacity, producing a comprehensive articulation of the main cognitive, normative, and instrumental dimensions of this policy, including its significant mutations influenced by the 2008 Great Recession and subsequent political evolution.

This paper has followed the British social marketing policy’s implementation in England. In Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, this national policy had specific developments that it was not followed in our study In general, subject to complex historical, social and political conditions, this is a field that preserves its dynamism and the ability to question concepts and processes. Ever seeking new directions and solutions, it requires an ongoing research study.

Conclusions speak in favour of a prescriptive framework for a national policy on social marketing that can inform other government entities’ efforts to develop similar policies in other countries. A correct understanding of such a political process can lead to better management of its development and its consequent contribution to improving social marketing policy and interventions.

A proper conception and management of a social marketing policy can contribute to improving the well-being of citizens.

It is the first time that this specific cognitive approach has been applied so systematically to a national social marketing policy through a long-term research, providing a prescriptive framework for other’ efforts to develop similar policies.

There has been a tradition of comparative research into the health services of England and Sweden. This has focused mainly on health care financing, organisational structures and health inequalities (Anderson 1972; Helco 1974; Heidenheimer and Elvander 1980; Ham 1988; Ham et al 1990). Less attention however has been paid to the policies on, and philosophies of, public health and health promotion in the two countries. This may of course be because it is only comparatively recently that such policies have come to the fore on the political agenda in both countries. It is on these areas that we focus our attention. Consequently this paper will do three things. First, describe the current policies on public health and health promotion at national level in both countries. Second, draw attention to the differences and similarities which are manifest in the policies of these two countries and develop a summary of the two national strategies. Third, we will consider some possible reasons and explanations for the contemporary emergence of public health.

Health is a human right and a fundamental building block of sustainable development, economic prosperity and poverty reduction. To realize people’s right to health, evaluating the situation of the right and its determinants is necessary. This paper aims to analyze Iran’s conduct in realizing its population’s right to health.

A qualitative case study design involving a structured review of relevant laws, policy documents, reports and academic literature was undertaken. The data were collected from electronic databases and the official Web pages of the United Nations (UN) and Iran’s Government and analyzed by a framework suggested by the UN.

Iran’s law and policies intend to combat health inequalities and to provide an adequate standard of living for everyone, particularly disadvantaged groups and individuals. However, not all laws and policies protecting disadvantaged groups are adequately implemented. There are disparities in health status and access to health care among different socio-economic groups. International economic sanctions and government policies decreased people’s ability to access the necessities of life including health care. Moreover, social determinants of health, such as cultural beliefs regarding women’s rights have not been addressed sufficiently in the country’s laws.

This study includes a broad range of subjects and provides an overview of the health-care system of Iran. However, more detail is needed to describe every aspect of the right to health. It was not feasible to address them all in this paper and needs more research. In addition, as with the majority of qualitative studies, the design of the current study is subject to limitations. Firstly, the research quality of narrative reviews is dependent on the researcher’ skills and more easily can be influenced by his/her personal biases. Second, the rigor is more difficult to maintain, assess and demonstrate. Nevertheless, narrative studies often complement quantitative studies and are informative.

To fulfill the right to health, Iran should improve affordability and quality of care and the situation of the determinants of health. The gaps in people’s access to health care need to be identified, and all necessary means and scarce resources be allocated to remove access barriers and to improve the situation of disadvantaged people. The adoption of relatively low-cost targeted programs, the proper management of resources and the prevention of unnecessary costs are suggested.

Global health challenges and threats could be confronted by collaborative efforts of international community. Governance for global health is a set of formal and informal processes, operating beyond state boundaries, and refers to institutions and mechanisms established at the national, regional and international levels. Nordic countries demonstrated a long-standing commitment to development assistance for health (DAH), and more recently to governance for global health. Governance for global health tools could be used effectively to achieve collective solutions for the maintenance and promotion of health as a common good, could ensure accountability and transparency, and reconcile the interests of different actors on the international and national levels. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of tools and approaches in support of eight sub-functions of governance for global health applied by the Nordic countries. This will help international audience to compare those mechanisms with similar mechanisms that are available or planned in their countries and regions, and may benefit policy scholars and practitioners.

This study uses qualitative review of research literature, policy documents and information available from institutional websites related to the governance of global health in four Nordic countries. In total, 50 selected publications were analyzed using framework synthesis, mapping all findings to 8 dimensions (sub-functions) of governance for global health and related tools.

Review reveals which tools are available, how they have been applied by the Nordic countries and influenced all domains (sub-functions) of governance for global health at different levels: national governments, agencies and networks; bilateral and multilateral partnerships; inter-governmental institutions and international health-related organizations. Common trends and approaches in governance for global health have been formulated.

This study is unique in relation to the prior literature as it looks at the role of Nordic countries in the governance for global health system through the lens of tools applied in support to its sub-functions.

The paper seeks to report on research-evidence-based health policy formulation in Malawi based on interviews with policymakers and questionnaire administered to health researchers.

Quantitative data for inferential statistical analysis was obtained through a questionnaire administered to researchers in the University of Malawi's College of Medicine and the Kamuzu College of Nursing. Interviews were conducted with four directors holding decision-making national health policy roles in the Ministry of Health and the National Assembly. The five national policymakers interviewed constituted five of the nine interviewees. The remaining four interviewed represented other government agencies and non-governmental organisations in the health sector. These constituted a piloted group of health policymakers in Malawi. Data from interviews shows illustrative comments typical of consistent perspectives among interviewees. Where they disagreed, divergent views have been presented.

The survey has revealed that health researchers rarely interact with health policymakers. Policymakers rarely attend researchers' workshops, seminars and conferences. Researchers prefer to interact with policymakers through expert committees or technical working groups. However, the meetings are called by policymakers at their own will. In terms of health research designed for user relevance, survey respondents suggested that developing research products; formulating study objectives; analysing and interpreting research findings and; developing research designs and methods were their responsibility. However, policymakers felt that research evidence should appeal to specific priorities needed by health policymakers in policy formulation. Health researchers suggested that health research evidence should be communicated through syntheses of the research literature and reprints of articles published in scientific journals. However, policymakers were of the view that research products should not be bulky, should be presented in points form and should provide options for specific policy areas.

University research groups and technical working groups provide an opportunity for interacting and enhancing the use of health research evidence.

For the purposes of facilitating the use of research evidence into policy, the study provides a low-cost framework for linking research groups and technical working groups to inform health research utilisation.

The national health policy should strive towards achieving the concept of “healthcare for all” conceptualized by the World Health Organization (WHO) through health insurance scheme. The purpose of this paper is to identify and discuss the various gaps affecting the health care systems and to evolve strategic issues in health care in India through an exploratory survey.

The main thrust is to analyze the problems of India's health care system and review of related literature, to identify the areas in the field of healthcare and health insurance which are unexplored or need to be tapped. This evaluation would give ample data to reinforce these areas and would lead us ultimately to the pre‐set target of WHO.

India's march to prosperity faces a serious risk of slowing down due to the main reason – lack of proper access to health care due to the absence of a well laid out public policy. Therefore, the key stakeholders of the health insurance industry jointly need to build a robust health insurance system and help to bridge the gap that exists in reaching quality healthcare in India. A review of the health policy for modifications and to implement it successfully through health insurance without road blocks is called for.

The results of this study, it is hoped, will outline equity in health care, which matters to every Indian citizen and how it can be achieved in India.

This paper suggests the adoption of an approach of management science called the gaps model of service quality in dealing with India's healthcare system problems, a new indicator aimed at assessment of the deficit in access to health services through a structured integrated way. The strategy takes account of the significant gaps identified to suggest new pragmatic methods to close the gaps.

The cardinal point to note here is that the development (and unfortunately the likely potential) of area policy is intimately related to the actual character of British social policy. Whilst area policy has been strongly influenced by Pigou's welfare economics, by the rise of scientific management in the delivery of social services (cf Jaques 1976; Whittington and Bellamy 1979), by the accompanying development of operational analyses and by the creation of social economics (see Pigou 1938; Sandford 1977), social policy continues to be enmeshed with the flavours of Benthamite utilitatianism and Social Darwinism (see, above all, the Beveridge Report 1942; Booth 1889; Rowntree 1922, 1946; Webb 1926). Consequently, for their entire history area policies have been coloured by the principles of a national minimum for the many and giving poorer areas a hand up, rather than a hand out. The preceived need to save money (C.S.E. State Apparatus and Expenditure Group 1979; Klein 1974) and the (supposed) ennobling effects of self help have been the twin marching orders for area policy for decades. Private industry is inadvertently called upon to plug the resulting gaps in public provision. The conjunction of a reluctant state and a meandering private sector has fashioned the decaying urban areas of today. Whilst a large degree of party politics and commitment has characterised the general debate over the removal of poverty (Holman 1973; MacGregor 1981), this has for the most part bypassed the ‘marginal’ poorer areas (cf Green forthcoming). Their inhabitants are not usually numerically significant enough to sway general, party policies (cf Boulding 1967) and the problems of most notably the inner cities has been underplayed.

This study evaluates cross-national differences in public beliefs about the causes of health and the role of these beliefs in shaping attitudes regarding health policy.

The study uses data from the 2011 International Social Survey Program, which includes questions on health and health care, asked in 29 countries. Respondents were asked about four specific causes of poor health (i.e., genes, behavior, the environment, and poverty). Respondents were also asked about their attitudes regarding three aspects of health policy: their support for government-provided care, the perceived fairness of income disparities in medical treatment, and their support for providing health care to noncitizens.

The study has three findings. First, the study reveals the global reach of a multicausal view. The four beliefs about the causes of poor health are positively correlated in all countries. However, there is considerable cross-national variation in the average support for specific causes. Although in some countries proximate causes, such as genes, are endorsed more frequently than distal causes, such as poverty, this is by no means a uniform pattern. Support for genetic causes is high, but genetic reductionism is rare. Second, the study reveals that health beliefs are fundamentally political beliefs. The single most important determinant of beliefs about the causes of health is the country in which the respondent resides, exceeding in influence religion, education, and even personal experiences with health and health care. Third, the study reveals that the political connotations of health beliefs vary between countries, especially beliefs regarding genes. In general, those who endorse behavioral arguments favor less government involvement in health care and are more accepting of income disparities in the quality of care. Those who endorse the environment and poverty, meanwhile, tend to support a stronger role of government. Yet, the magnitude of these associations varies and, in the case of genetic arguments, even the direction of the association varies. Genetic arguments are frequently associated with support for a stronger role of government, but genetic arguments also are occasionally associated with support for the exclusion of noncitizens from the health care system.

International survey research is valuable for exploring the scope of patterns revealed in a limited set of countries, but it is difficult to pinpoint the source of cross-national differences.

The study demonstrates the importance of national context in shaping health beliefs, as well as the role of beliefs regarding the causes of health in setting the stage for public receptivity to government-provided care. The study also illustrates the value of thinking about beliefs about genes as reflecting larger projects of biocitizenship, at least in some countries.

Purpose – To assess the claim of moral hazard proponents that individuals insulated from paying for the health care they use tend to demand more, often unnecessary, services, or engage in unhealthier behaviors than they otherwise would, collectively driving up demand and increasing health care spending (HCS).

Methodology/Approach – To test the hypothesis that moral hazard increases rather than decreases HCS, I apply a multivariate analysis to examine data from 21 OECD countries over a 20-year period, using out-of-pocket spending (OPS) as a proxy for moral hazard and as the key variable predicting HCS, controlling for other potential drivers of spending.

Findings – OPS is independently associated with HCS, yet in the direction opposite to what moral hazard theory predicts – about $13 higher HCS per additional $10 OPS (p = 0.000).

Research limitations – As with other cross-national studies, limitations include (1) inability to assess differences in health care delivery and quality within and across countries; (2) differences in the measurement and availability of variables across countries; (3) lack of access to data of potential significance, and (4) hard to evaluate cross-national political and cultural differences with implications for health policy.

Policy implications – At least in the United States, unless a fully publicly financed system to cover medically necessary services is implemented, the policy goals of extending adequate health insurance to a national population and controlling HCS nationally will not be met.

Originality/Value of Paper – Most research on moral hazard in US health care has drawn from comparisons within rather than among national health systems. Therefore, the originality and value of this cross-national study lies in its ability to identify variables that could not be included in single nation studies and which have the ability to inform policy and political action.