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This paper investigates whether building a nuclear power plant in a community would inherently bring local conflict phenomena such as “not in my back yard (NIMBY)”, focusing especially on the interactive effect between different types of local publics and their exposure to either a supportive or opposing message about a hypothetical local governmental plan to build a nuclear power plant on community participation intentions.

Applying the two theoretical frameworks (situational theory of publics and social exchange theory) to NIMBY, this study used a quantitative approach by using 471 participants in a 4 (publics: active, aware, aroused or inactive) × 2 (advocacy message type: supportive or opposing message) experimental design.

The results showed that regardless of message types, active publics were more likely to participate in community activities than any other public, but this group strongly opposed the harmful facility, while inactive publics continued to be inactive. However, aware and aroused publics were significantly influenced by messages.

The rationale and findings of this research are original, as they have not been published previously, and are not being simultaneously submitted elsewhere. This research should contribute to the broad body of knowledge and practices in community-based conflict issues in terms of risk management. It is believed that the discussion and implications of the findings should raise interesting areas for further research.

This study aims to explore the critical influencing factors that lead to the site selection failure of waste-to-energy (WtE) projects in China under the influence of the “Not In My Back Yard” (NIMBY) effect, which can provide references to improve the decision-making process of similar projects in the future.

The fuzzy decision-making trial and evaluation laboratory (DEMATEL) method was used to propose an analytical framework for exploring the critical influencing factors affecting the site selection failure of WtE projects. The causal relationship between different influencing factors is finally determined on the basis of the opinions of 12 experts from universities, government departments, consulting units, planning and design units, construction units and WtE enterprises.

Results showed that six crucial factors resulted in the site selection failure of WtE projects from the NIMBY effect perspective: “Insufficient public participation,” “Near the place of residence,” “Nonstandard government decision-making processes,” “Low information disclosure,” “Destroys the surrounding environment,” and “Imperfect compensation scheme.”

Results can determine the priorities and causal relationships among the various influencing factors. The decision-making optimization suggestions can provide reference for decision- makers, thereby possibly promoting the scientific and standardization of site selection decision process.

Social movements can disrupt existing industries and inspire the emergence of new markets by drawing attention to problems with the status quo and promoting alternatives. We examine how the influence of social movements on entrepreneurial activity evolves as the markets they foster mature. Theoretically, we argue that the success of social movements in furthering market expansion leads to three related outcomes. First, the movement-encouraged development of market infrastructure reduces the need for continued social movement support. Second, social movements’ efforts on behalf of new markets increase the importance of resource availability for market entry. Third, market growth motivates countermovement that reduce the beneficial impact of initiator movements on entrepreneurial activity. We test these arguments by analyzing evolving social movement dynamics and entrepreneurial activity in the US wind power industry from 1992 to 2007. We discuss the implications of our findings for the study of social movements, stakeholder management, sustainability, and entrepreneurship.

The first phase of Irish environmental campaigns had exploited the NIMBYist concerns of local communities in a manner that superseded the economic rewards of toxic multinationals promoted by the state. GSE's campaign extended that NIMBY frame by networking with other community groups concerned about the state's approach to waste management in the second phase of Irish environmental campaigning, which was concerned with the post-boom waste crisis and infrastructural sitings.

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether the discount placed on high voltage overhead transmission lines is underestimated.

A quantitative analysis was undertaken, using a high voltage overhead transmission line (HVOTL) case study, to determine the effect on property values prior and post removal of the HVOTL structure. Sales data and demographics are compared to determine the change in neighbourhood characteristics.

The results show that while the HVOTL is in place, the impact on value is confined to those properties in close proximity. This is in contradiction to the findings, where on removal of the HVOTL, the property values of the whole neighbourhood improve significantly.

The implication of this research is that property valuers (appraisers) need to change the way they take into account the presence of HVOTLs when valuing property, with more emphasis, being placed on the neighbourhood rather than just the properties in close proximity. While the HVOTL was in place, only properties in close proximity were negatively affected, but on removal of the HVOTL the whole neighbourhood increased in value.

Results expand on current knowledge by demonstrating the difference between the discount rate that the valuers apply to the presence of the HVOTL, as compared to the positive impact to the whole neighbourhood on removal of the HVOTL.

This paper aims to identify and explore the overall frequency and characteristics of policy conflicts, with a focus upon those factors affecting conflict resolutions in South Korea.

The study uses data from cases of conflict from the Korean Public Policy Conflict Database (KPPCDB) (1948-2014). For the analysis of data, chi-squared test and multinomial logistic regression are used.

The findings show a total of 2,030 policy conflicts in 1948-2014, most of which were conflicts of interest (47.9 per cent). More than 70 per cent (71.2 per cent) were policy conflicts between the government and the private sector; the field with the most policy conflicts was regional development (21.0 per cent), and 84.1 per cent of all policy conflicts were resolved. The factors that affected conflict resolution by interest were conflicts between the government and private sector, authoritarian government, national regions and capital areas.

This paper suggests reforming the current procedures of conflict management, adopting alternative dispute resolutions, and developing a social-consensus-building process for efficiently resolving conflicts.

This study built a database (KPPCDB) examining 66 years of conflict cases that took place between 1948, the year the Korean Government was established, and 2014. This database covers all cases of policy conflicts that occurred in Korea and provides a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena of policy conflicts and conflict resolution.

By extending their campaign beyond its NIMBY and health risk frames, GSE were able to open up a third frame, which was established from the political opportunity of democratic deficit surrounding the state's response to their campaign. This democratic deficit frame had its inception in the state's initial omission of the health risks of incineration in the CWP. By exploiting this opportunity, GSE were able to establish their own credentials through their provision of interest-led science about the health risks. Another area of democratic deficit exploited by GSE was seen in the state's attempt to rush the CWP through without undergoing the proper public consultation process that was written in to regional waste plans. Furthermore, the state's removal of the councillor's powers to decide the waste issue contributed significantly to a local sense of democratic deficit.

This study aims to theoretically contextualize the liquefied natural gas (LNG) issue using Bauman and Debord. More generally, this research provides a theoretical and qualitative context to understand the LNG issue in discussions of environmental management, globalization and local government.

This study uses Boje’s narrative case study approach to analyze the politics around localized resistance movements to LNG production in the Rio Grande Valley (RGV). Specifically, this study examines the data collected from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, personal interviews and public declarations (newspapers, blogs, social media) to create an historiographical account of LNGs in the RGV to analyze the Laguna Madre resistance case regarding three LNG companies.

The development of LNG in Laguna Madre has been at least temporarily halted. This is considered partially because of the pandemic, reduced demand and local resistance. In the Laguna Madre case, controlling narratives by the LNG resistance appeared to be an essential component of their overall strategy.

Understanding the impact of energy development locally and globally becomes increasingly important, as access to fossil fuels become more limited. This case helps understand the overall adverse actions taken by LNGs to exploit communities, individuals and the environment while illustrating practical tools being used to resist the less desirable elements of energy development.

The administrative state is situated in a physical and ecological context that requires a conceptualisation of rationality broader than the instrumental rationality that characterizes most administrative theorising. Various scholars have contributed to clarifying some aspects of the needed broader conceptualisation, particularly with respect to focuses (system, substance, procedure) and form (social, legal, political, and ecological). But unlike the classical Aristotelian conception of rationality, the goal‐blindness of contemporary rationality still distinguishes it from reasonableness. Rawls and Habermas suggest the recoupling of reasonableness and rationality through political discourse and pursuit of social action that requires reasoning about ends as well as means. The opportunities for deliberative democracy and for furthering environmental justice provided by environmental impact assessment illustrate how rationality, justice, and ecological sustainability can be integrated by breaking down distinctions between decision‐making processes and the substance of decisions. Administration can thus move beyond proverbs to proceed on the realization that the only ecologically rational organization is a broadly reasonable one.