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Article
Publication date: 10 June 2020

Eric Vincent C. Batalla

The purpose of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency.

Design/methodology/approach

This research employs a historical and comparative case approach to explore patterns of grand corruption and their resolution. Primary and secondary data sources including court decisions, congressional records, journal articles and newspaper reports are used to construct the narratives for each case.

Findings

Top-level executive agreements that do not require competitive public bidding provide an opportunity for grand corruption. Such agreements encourage the formation of corrupt rent-seeking relationships involving the selling firm, brokers, politicians and top-level government executives. Closure of cases of grand corruption is a serious problem that involves an incoherent and politically vulnerable prosecutorial and justice system.

Originality/value

This paper aims to contribute to research on grand corruption involving the executive branch in the Philippines, particularly in the procurement of large, foreign-funded government projects. It examines allegations of improprieties in government project contracting and the politics of resolving corruption scandals through the justice system.

Details

Public Administration and Policy, vol. 23 no. 1
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1727-2645

Keywords

Content available
Article
Publication date: 15 May 2020

Jon S.T. Quah

The purpose of this paper is to compare and evaluate how the governments in six Asian countries have dealt with selected grand corruption scandals.

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to compare and evaluate how the governments in six Asian countries have dealt with selected grand corruption scandals.

Design/methodology/approach

This paper is based on the comparative analysis of 11 corruption scandals examined in the six articles on India, Japan, Macau, Malaysia, Philippines and Singapore included in this special issue of Public Administration and Policy.

Findings

The responses of the governments in the six countries depend on the strength of their political will in combating corruption. The responses of the governments in Malaysia, Philippines, India and Japan reflect their weak political will in combating corruption and lack of accountability of the corrupt offenders. By contrast, the strong political will of the governments in Singapore and Macau is reflected in the investigation and punishment of the corrupt offenders without any cover-up of the scandals.

Originality/value

The findings would be of interest to scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners and activists.

Details

Public Administration and Policy, vol. 23 no. 1
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1727-2645

Keywords

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Article
Publication date: 5 January 2015

Eric Vincent C. Batalla

– The purpose of this paper is to examine the anti-corruption performance of the Philippine government, particularly under the leadership of President Benigno Aquino III.

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to examine the anti-corruption performance of the Philippine government, particularly under the leadership of President Benigno Aquino III.

Design/methodology/approach

The paper evaluates the anti-corruption measures as represented by pertinent laws as well as anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) under the Aquino administration.

Findings

The Aquino government has exercised remarkable political will in acting on high-profile cases involving former government officials, including former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. However, the government’s overall anti-corruption performance is hampered by outdated and conflicting laws, lack of compliance with anti-corruption laws and regulations by public officials and employees, poor ACA operational capacities, judicial inefficiency, deficient organizational systems and change-resistant government agencies, and selective and partial enforcement of anti-corruption laws. These problems are characteristic of Philippine political administrations and are arguably rooted in a system long characterized by fragile state institutions, strong oligarchic control, and weak citizenship.

Originality/value

The paper is intended to update scholars, policy makers, and anti-corruption practitioners interested in corruption, ACA performance, and political reform in the Philippines. It discusses corruption-related problems of public administration within the purview of political economy. Based on this perspective, it argues that the key to effective control of corruption is a change in the political system’s configuration rather than the mere change in leadership.

Details

Asian Education and Development Studies, vol. 4 no. 1
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 2046-3162

Keywords

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Article
Publication date: 14 May 2018

Peter Curwen and Jason Whalley

The purpose of this paper is to examine in a fully up-to-date manner the position in respect to the licensing and launch of long-term evolution (LTE) in a region that…

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to examine in a fully up-to-date manner the position in respect to the licensing and launch of long-term evolution (LTE) in a region that attracts relatively little attention when treated as a whole because the emphasis is usually upon the very large individual markets (China, India and Japan) contained within it. The purpose is also to examine the role of international groups and the extent to which the licensing of LTE can make a difference to the structure of mobile markets in the region.

Design/methodology/approach

The initial step was to compile extensive databases with respect to the licensing and launch of high-speed networks in the region – defined both narrowly and also to encompass countries that are often treated as part of the Middle East – arranged so as to emphasise the status of dominant incumbents. There is a discussion of new entry and its potential to disrupt incumbents.

Findings

For historical reasons, the region contains countries that have strong differences whether defined in terms of economic, social or cultural characteristics, and hence it has not been easy for a network with international aspirations to expand outside its home market nor for, say, European-based operators to gain a foothold. Attempts to introduce competition via new licences has also been problematic because of the strong, and sometimes very large, incumbents already present.

Research limitations/implications

This is necessarily an overview that uses selected data to describe the overall picture because of the substantial number of quite different markets surveyed.

Practical implications

It is possible to forecast how certain structural changes will occur – primarily the withdrawal of international groups such as Millicom that prefer to concentrate upon other regions.

Originality/value

The databases that underpin the analysis are author-compiled and entirely original.

Details

Digital Policy, Regulation and Governance, vol. 20 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 2398-5038

Keywords

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