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One of the standard practices of Communist Parties around the world is to employ art, including music, as a channel to spread political ideologies. This study aims to scrutinize the reception of Beethoven's music, particularly from a political viewpoint, by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during the early years of its rule, i.e. from 1949–1959. The ambiguity of Beethoven's own political outlook may have provided an opportunity for the CCP to choose the composer and his music in support of its aims.

To understand why and how the CCP could exploit Beethoven and his music to support its political ideologies, a series of Chinese writings on Beethoven between 1949 and 1959 have been studied. Those literatures not only helped the composer gain reputation and popularity in the PRC, but also provided a platform for the CCP to manipulate such candidate and his music. Finally, the reception of the performances of the Ninth Symphony in 1959 in the PRC is singled out for close examination.

During the first ten years of the establishment of the PRC, the quantity and quality of the articles on Beethoven expanded considerably. These writings continued to reflect the reception of Beethoven and his music with the addition of political nuances that could be interpreted in the CCP's favour.

This paper seeks to examine the PRC's artistic policies, with a particular emphasis on the reception of Beethoven and western classical music.

The purpose of this paper is to explore censorship on popular music in Taiwan and how the practices have influenced the consumption and production of music in the post-martial law period.

Through adopting grounded theory with snowball sampling and ethnographic methods, this paper will interview music audiences and musicians as well as analyze recent censorship cases to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the topic.

Institutional and corporate self-censorship has a noteworthy influence on popular music in post-marital law Taiwan. Cross-strait relations still are a key tension that triggers censorship but the form has been shifting.

This study draws on both the complexity of censorship by case studies and the audience's perception of music in everyday life.

This chapter offers a case study of the distinctive political activism in Taiwanese metal by analysing the intertextuality of Just Not Meant to Be (還君明珠) (2015) by Crescent Lament (恆月三途). From the perspective of a cultural insider, the author examine the socio-cultural dynamics underlying this activism and explain how Taiwanese metal attempts to tackle the troubled past of Taiwan. The author brings attention to Just Not Meant to Be's commentary about the activism it takes part in, and reflect on problematics inherent to political activism in Taiwanese metal. Finally, the author explicates the problematics in the context of metal subculture in general. Pivotal throughout this chapter are the questions: Why does Taiwanese metal replicate forms of domination it seeks to counter? What can metal subculture in general learn from Taiwanese metal and its political activism?

The purpose of this paper is to examine the performance of Zhuang shamanic narrative songs at three festivals to explore how and why a narrative song genre that originated with Zhuang shamans is separated from shamanic ritual contexts and re-contextualized at festivals under the cultural policies instigated by the People’s Republic of China in the post-socialist era.

The research is based on a review of publications on Zhuang performance art and fieldwork data collected in southwestern Guangxi, China.

The de-construction of Zhuang shamanic narrative song melodies dates back to the late nineteenth century, when southwestern Guangxi literati used the melodies to compose popular songs. By the 1950s, the religious elements of these narrative songs had already been obfuscated, leading Chinese scholars to select them as representative of Zhuang performance arts. Since the enactment of China’s Intangible Culture Heritage (ICH) Law in the early twenty-first century, local Zhuang elites have re-constructed and re-introduced shamanic elements to narrative songs as they are performed at festivals as a means to further highlight the ethnic characteristics of the Zhuang people.

The paper provides detailed documentation of three cases of the restoration of shamanic elements to narrative songs sung by the Zhuang people. However, the research is limited to one community, inviting comparison with other cases, both inside and outside China, of how ICH policies impact grass-roots cultural practices.

This paper discusses some aspects of the performing arts of the Tibetans and attempts to analyze how they have fared within the context of an extremely large and modernizing state, where since the late 1970s modernization has been accompanied by a contrary revival of traditions. It argues that performing arts traditions remain powerful among the Tibetans and takes issue with the frequently heard notion that Tibetan culture is being destroyed. It contends, however, that the acceleration of modernization in the coming decades could weaken the tradition in Tibetan culture by affecting its link with the society which feeds it. But what is likely to develop is a changed Tibetan culture, with more place given to those features we know as modernity. On the other hand, the traditions are most unlikely to die out in the foreseeable future. The topical focus of the article is on the performing arts, especially the related forms of drama, balladry and dance. The period of focus is that since the early 1980s, and especially the 1990s.

This article examines the effect of China's soft power projection through the Chinese media in Africa on the African audiences' perception of China's national image through a case study of the residents of Nairobi. It adopted Joseph Nye's soft power model and sought to address three fundamental questions : What is the extent and objective of China's media diplomacy in Africa? How has China's media “offensive” in Africa impacted African audiences' imagery of China? What are the implications, if any, of China's media diplomacy on the Kenyan public view of China?

This article used a mixed-methods research design, which deployed elements of positivism and interpretivism. It used a deductive approach and deployed the survey strategy, which entailed the collection of data from Nairobi city residents. The secondary data were collected from relevant academic literature sources. The primary data were analyzed empirically using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), while the secondary data were analyzed using discourse analysis.

China's soft power projection through the Chinese media in Africa is aimed at addressing the “misinformation” about China. China seeks its share of representation among the African public to correct negative perceptions of China. Kenyans had a generally positive attitude toward China. South Africa and Angola have “Fairly” positive perceptions of the Chinese media. However, this study did not reveal whether the perception was due to the influence of Chinese media. These findings implied that the African public's positive imagery of China cannot be fully attributed to Chinese media's influence.

This study is groundbreaking in that it is one of the few studies that have focused on China's public diplomacy in Africa and assessed the impact of Chinese media on the African public’s perception of China.

For “Global”, read “USA”. Examines the relationship between dominant communication technologies, human cognition and human organization. Concludes that electronic networks have a great potential for improving the richness of human cognition and facilitating democracy. Cautions that public money needs to be spent to ensure universal access to, development of and open exchange within networks. Avers that European critical scholarship is incapable of empirical verification.

SEPTEMBER sees the holiday season waning and the summer irrevocably over. It sees the progressive librarian, as one of our correspondents suggests, making plans for the winter. Possibly it may be said that the really alert one has had them made for some time, because it is immediately on return from holidays, when there is a hint of winter in the air, and daylight saving is over, that the average man thinks of how he will spend his leisure in the darker days. That, at least, is the theory and many librarians have already set up their displays of suggestions to would‐be Students.

Amongst other things, at the end of this case discussion, the student should be able to: diagnose situational factors that contribute to a brand’s positioning; explore important issues in implementing brand positioning strategies; use relevant models for understanding a firm’s internal and external environments to inform strategic decisions about customers and competition; demonstrate an understanding of target audience; identify the unique attributes of the competition to inform a firm’s positioning and competitive strategy.

Kaya FM derives its name from the isiZulu word “ikhaya”, which means “home”. The name reflects the mission of the radio station to provide a home for black South Africans who were denied many opportunities during the apartheid era in South Africa. Kaya FM has been broadcasting since 1997, following the deregulation of the media landscape in South Africa. However, by 2018, the radio landscape has become very challenging. Mainstream advertisers still do not consider Kaya FM as a preferred channel to reach their target audience. Overall, radio listenership is dwindling and advertising sales growth is not encouraging. Greg Maloka, Kaya FM’s station manager is considering how to preserve the station’s unique positioning as it competes with both more dominant stations and new entrants so that Kaya FM can truly be a home for Afropolitans for many years to come.

Honour’s and master’s level, as well as executive education delegates.

Teaching Notes are available for educators only.

CSS 8: Marketing.