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The main purpose of the paper is to examine the truth behind allegations of neo-colonialism performed by China toward Africa, which was raised due to the growing relationship between China and Africa that enhanced the debate between supporters of the notion of neo-colonialism or mutual beneficial relationship. In addition to the growing number of arguments are on the dominance of PRC in Africa over the western powers as European Union or United States in the Continent.

The paper investigates the claims of neo-colonialism practiced by China toward Africa through the lenses of international political economy using the Interdependence theory of neoliberalists. Egypt was selected as a case study due to the emphases that Egypt gives to China as a strategic partner and as rising economic power as well as representing a way of diversifying Egypt's foreign policy and an additional economic partner beside the western ones. The research relied on two interwoven indicators to investigate the main argument: Trade and Development Aid.

The two pillars of analysis indicate that the growing relationship between Egypt and China is a form of interdependent relationship that is expected to get further complex in the future, which is relatively indicated among other things in the synergy Egypt has made between its Vision 2030 and China's Belt and Road Initiative. In reference to development aid, China uses different techniques that is not commonly used by the donors of Official Development Assistance (“ODA”), and due to unpublished actual data on China's aid figures, any indication of dominance is hard to attain regardless a solo incident of debt trap in Africa, the model of China's aid is provided through low-interest loans for development projects that is highly important for developing countries.

The paper tried to engage in the ongoing debate and examine the truth behind the neo-colonial allegations from the perspective of international political economy, which is an added value to the literature in this regard as the data provided are prepared for the present research purpose.

This paper aims to contend that populism is damaging to both domestic and international politics; not only does it erode liberal democracy in established democracies but also fuels authoritarianism in despotic regimes and aggravates conflicts and crises in international system.

The research is divided into two main sections. First, it examines how populist mobilization affects liberal democracy, and refutes the claims that populism is beneficial and reinforcing to democracy. Second, it attempts to demonstrate how populism is damaging to domestic politics (by undermining liberal democracy and supporting authoritarianism) as well as international relations (by making interstate conflicts more likely to materialize). Theoretically, populism is assumed to be a strategy used by politicians to maximize their interest. Hence, populism is a strategy used by politicians to mobilize constituents using the main features of populist discourse.

The research argues that populism has detrimental consequences on both domestic and international politics; it undermines liberal democracy in democratic countries, upsurges authoritarianism in autocratic regimes and heightens the level of conflict and crises in international politics. Populism can lead to authoritarianism. There is one major undemocratic trait shared by all populist waves around the world, particularly democracies; that is anti-pluralism/anti-institutions. Populist leaders perceive foreign policy as the continuation of domestic politics, because they consider themselves as the only true representatives of the people. Therefore, populist actors abandon any political opposition as necessarily illegitimate, with repercussions on foreign policy.

Some scholars argue that populism reinforces democracy by underpinning its ability to include marginalized sectors of the society and to decrease voter apathy, the research refuted these arguments. Populism is destructive to world democracy; populists are reluctant to embrace the idea of full integration with other nations. Populists reject the idea of open borders, and reckon it an apparent threat to their national security. The research concludes that populists consider maximizing their national interests on the international level by following confrontational policies instead of cooperative ones.

This paper aims to provide insights regarding the state of the art of digital transformation for small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Egypt and propose avenues for future research.

A proposed framework for the digitization process in SMEs is developed by providing three layers of working steps toward full automation. The paper also provides an extensive analysis of the main requirements for improving the existing traditional information systems' performance in these enterprises. The challenges of digital transformation and the future research direction are discussed as well.

This paper provided an overview of the importance of digital transformation in real-life applications. The role of the information systems in building a digitalized information processing environment is covered as well. Also, a framework for the shifting process from the traditional approaches to the digitalized systems is proposed. Besides, the paper overviewed the future research directions related to digital transformation in SMEs, especially in Egypt. These research directions are related to technical challenges during the digital transformation process, such as cybersecurity, big data analytics and multimodality data.

Despite the significant governmental and institutions' steps toward full automation and digital transformation, the traditional information systems, infrastructures, and unequipped employees make the digitizing process on-the-fly an open challenge. A technology shift that is not supported by a similar cultural change threatens digital business initiatives and increases the risk of their failure. This paper aims to provide insights regarding the state of the art of digital transformation for SMEs in Egypt and propose avenues for future research.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the characteristics of two corporate governance mechanisms, namely, board of directors and ownership structure, on the firm value of European financial institutions.

Using the market-to-book ratio calculated by the Thomson Reuters Eikon ASSET4 database, this study measures the firm value of 111 financial institutions belonging to 12 European countries listed on the stock exchange during the period 2007–2019. Multivariate regression analysis on panel data is used to estimate the relationship between corporate governance attributes, such as board size, board independence, board gender diversity, ownership concentration and CEO ownership, and the firm value of European financial institutions.

The empirical results reveal that board gender diversity and CEO ownership are positively related to the firm value, whereas board size and ownership concentration are negatively related. Furthermore, the findings suggest that board independence is insignificantly correlated with the firm value. Regarding the control variables, the results show that financial institutions' size, age and legal system are significant factors in changing the firm value. Nevertheless, financial institutions' leverage and activity sector are not significantly correlated with their value.

This research contributes to the literature by providing the significant links between some corporate governance mechanisms and the firm value of companies from the financial industry, by addressing the information gap for this critical industry in the context of a developed market like Europe.