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In this research paper, the attitudes of youth, in transition from high school to college and the adult world of work, are compared by their plans for college and military service in order to better understand the impact of self-selection and anticipatory socialization on perceptions of opportunity and equality in military work. Data are drawn from a national survey of US high school seniors and from a sample of students entering their freshman year at the US Naval Academy. The results highlight the effects of both self-selection and anticipatory socialization on the attitudes youth express about the military work and have potential implications for military recruiting and personnel policy.

This paper aims to look at the relative position of thought leadership between the areas of military and civilian logisticians.

The paper provides a theoretical framework in an exploratory study using the literature to evaluate the constraints on the military side of logistics thought.

The discussion identifies challenges that may preclude military logistics thought from becoming the leaders for the foreseeable future.

The paper provides an examination of the changing role between military and civilian logistics that has not been carefully examined since just after the Gulf War in 1991.

This paper aims to investigate issues affecting the integration of retired military officers into civilian work using a competence model as an analytical framework.

The paper combines literature review with empirical study. The primary method of data collection was a series of in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 25 retired army officers in Lithuania.

Despite evidence that a career as an officer in the military develops valuable competencies that have obvious potential in the civilian labour market, the integration of retired army officers into the civilian labour market is fraught with difficulties. Apart from the obvious inappropriateness of specific competencies associated with armed combat for civilian occupations, even competencies acquired in military service that align closely with those required in civilian jobs do not necessarily translate because of different contexts and different value systems.

The empirical basis is limited to army officers in Lithuania, and the authors urge caution in extrapolating to other military personnel and other countries. To the extent that the approach has generic value, there are clearly implications for demobilisation after major conflicts or return to civilian life of personnel involved in international peace-keeping.

This exploratory research suggests that a competence framework can identify limits and possibilities of aligning competencies acquired in military service with those required in civilian occupations, provided context and values are incorporated as part of the analysis. The approach piloted in this paper could be useful more widely for facilitating mobility between sectors and occupations arising from the adoption of disruptive technologies.

The paper demonstrates the value of a structured approach to comparing competencies in context and the mediating role of values in moving from military to civilian occupations.

Slovenian society was historically very ambivalent towards the military. In former Yugoslavia many people understood the military as the socialising agent, the organisation that would help their sons to grow up, and as provider of help in cases of natural catastrophes. The role of defence of the homeland was perceived as a legitimate task of the military, but the expectation of a foreign military threat was gradually decreasing. The Yugoslav policy of active participation in the non-alignment movement helped people to believe that they lived in a neutral country, in a country without foreign enemies. The perception of a low military threat in the public clashed with the very tough enemy-searching of the former Yugoslav military. This caused tensions between Slovenian civil society and Yugoslav military elites. The associations of civil society asked for recognition of conscientious objection, which was not permitted in former Yugoslavia until the mid-1980s. Even then, the status of conscientious objectors was given to religious believers only, and they had to serve within the military without arms. In 1991, the Slovenian public verified its decades-old hypothesis that there is no enemy outside the country, but the biggest enemy is its own military. The war in Slovenia, although the decision to form an independent state was encouraged by Serb nationalism and the totalitarian perception of the Yugoslav Federation, was clearly a war between the Slovenian people, military, and police against the Yugoslav Peoples’ Army and not against other nations or republics of former Yugoslavia.

In this research the starting point was that a certain gap between military and civilian culture could exist, because of the inevitable difference between typical military values and new values arisen in contemporary societies, with special reference to Western affluent societies. It seems that this hypothesis belong to the culture-free side, since it rests on the concept of a military culture made of specific values, which are the same in every society. There is anyway a different viewpoint, following the trends of studies developed in the intercultural relations domain, mainly dealing with business internationalisation and cross-cultural management topics, generally known as the culture-bound thesis. In the culture-free assumption the consequence should be a pressure of social change on a supposed unique military; in the culture-bound conception a mutual and systemic adaptation of different institutions within each inclusive society driven by one's own culture could be expected. Findings in this research show that if a relative gap can be observed between military and civilian students, this varies greatly according to different groups of countries. Distances seem to be larger in countries belonging to the post-modern cluster (Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, France, Italy, the Netherlands), and lowering down in modern countries such as Slovenia, Bulgaria and Poland, and even less appreciable in Romania, South Africa and Turkey. This could give some support to the culture-free thesis, according to which military culture is specific and find more convergences with so-called traditional societies than with modern or post-modern cultures. But results are not as sharp as needed, and the culture-bound thesis cannot anyway be rejected.

The purpose of this study is to examine the effectiveness of courses offered to Ukrainian military personnel and their families to facilitate transfer to the civilian society, and to investigate the extent to which transfer to the civilian sector is associated with increased quality of life.

Data were collected from 1,077 former course participants by handing out a structured questionnaire at different locations in Ukraine.

Among the 40 courses arranged, 15 proved to be effective with regard to the odds of obtaining a civilian job, and 10 with regard to the odds of becoming a business owner. Business owners and civilian employees scored higher than military employees with regard to different indicators of quality of life. Individuals who are unemployed or not members of the workforce score lower on quality of life than any other group.

This study evaluates the courses offered in a large educational program where the Norwegian and Ukrainian government cooperate to facilitate transfer of military veterans in Ukraine to the civilian sector.

Purpose – The aim of the chapter is to analyze the multinational collaboration between troops-contributing countries, and between military and civilian personnel at UNIFIL's headquarters in South-Lebanon.

Methodology/approach – The methodological approach consisted of semi-structured interviews and participatory observation.

Findings – The multinational collaboration at the HQ was satisfactory, although not optimal as mutual stereotyping continued to exist. Western military personnel still prefers to operate in a NATO framework and resent some of the civil servants’ privileges. This hampers a smooth civil–military cooperation to some extent.

Originality/value of the paper – Few qualitative studies have looked at how participating nations collaborate at missions’ headquarters. This study provides a look inside the daily work of military and civilian personnel at the operational level and, consequently, offers insights for improving multinational collaboration in future (peace) operations.

The aim of this chapter is to present and discuss the theoretical framework that the group has set up for the research presented here. We deal here with the following topics:•a clarification of the general concept of culture adopted by us, and especially of culture of democratic countries•the concept of military culture, along with its subcultures, and the process of change in its dimensions of de-militarisation of societies and re-militarisation of the militaries•a discussion on the possibility of a cross-national research on the subject.Discussion leads us to realise the possibility and the convenience of a research as such. Therefore, we materialise our intent to carry on an empirical research on the civil–military cultural differences in Europe in comparison with results already obtained for the U.S. (but it can be employed in non-European countries too, where living conditions can be assumed to be that of all modern democratic societies).In order to do that, we agreed with several guidelines for our research project, i.e., one basic assumption and three working hypothesis.

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the differences in self-stigma between a military and a civilian sample in order to infer military-specific aspects of the stigmatization process.

Before undergoing a three-week course of qualified withdrawal treatment, 55 German military personnel were examined in terms of self-stigma, abstinence self-efficacy, duration of alcohol abuse, severity of alcohol dependence, and current mental disorders. Afterwards, the participants were compared with a non-military sample of 173 subjects with alcohol dependence in a civilian psychiatric clinic that had not yet undergone qualified withdrawal treatment.

While awareness of stigmatization is significantly greater among military personnel than in the civilian comparison group (t(171)=3.83, p<0.01), there is far less agreement with such stigmatization (t(170)=−3.20, p<0.01). More severe mental disorders and low abstinence self-efficacy have a significant influence on self-esteem decrement for the entire group.

Both samples only consisted of male participants who wanted to receive treatment.

Since most studies refer to civilian patients, a comparative study of the influence of stigmatization of alcohol use disorders in the armed forces is of particular interest. The study indicates that military personnel are more aware of stigmatization by colleagues and superiors than is the case among civilian patients. This could be a significant obstacle when it comes to seeking professional help. Prevention programs need to give greater priority to this subject.

The study on democratic control over the armed forces elaborates on perceptions of the respondents in 13 countries on interaction between democratically elected political power and the military. The views of the civilian and military students are similar on many issues that relate to the role of the military in society. There are also some differences in their opinion. Civilian students are more open towards public statements and the public influence of the military than the military students, who seem to be socialised in subordinate position towards the public, and who understood the military professionalism in terms of professional autonomy. This difference is a result of the professional socialisation and correlates with the professional culture of different occupational and professional groups.