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After the electoral victory in 2018, the newly formed Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government presented its National Education Policy Framework, chalking out its priorities of bringing more than 22 million out-of-school children to schools, improving educational quality, and introducing a uniform education system in the country. However, the government’s grand ambitions, transpired quickly, only to produce a draft of a new unified curriculum in 2020. This chapter investigates the newly formulated Single National Curriculum (SNC) in Pakistan by using the lens of Critical Cultural Political Economy of Education (CCPEE). To understand the endogenous and exogenous factors shaping the SNC, the chapter argues that securitization and neoliberalization are the significant factors informing the development and the production of the new curriculum.

Using the examples of Grenadian-born Jean Augustine, the first Black Member of Parliament in Canada, and Barbados' Prime Minister Mia Mottley, the piece argues that the ethos of the Emigrant Ambassador—the collective empowerment of Black feminism, liberation, and radicalism—ushered in a new era for change abroad and in Canada, as transnational and international change was driven by Black women from the West Indies.

The author used historical research and social science theoretical frameworks to formulate conclusions, lessons learnt and steps forward for current equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) practitioners.

Black women born in the West Indies in the mid-twentieth century were the catalysts for social justice movements in the 2010 and 2020s. Many methods used for social change in the twentieth century are applicable in the 2020s and beyond.

Research is focused on Canadian and West Indian relations but will have implications for those across the British Commonwealth.

Practitioners and students of EDI will have a new tool on how to approach and confront anti-Black racism, particularly after May 25, 2020.

This article provides opportunities to support the dwindling efforts of anti-racism to support the lives of Black people across the Black Atlantic.

This is an original article built on previous scholarship of the author.

In Nigeria, insecurity has been breeding very rapidly given the Nigerian economic conditions in the recent past. Insecurity exposes enterprise development and survival to a serious threat. It has serious effects on lives and properties, obstructs business activities and discourages local and foreign investors, which in turn militate against Nigeria’s overall economic growth and development. This rising wave of insecurity has assumed an unsafe facet to enterprise development and its subsequent survival, hence, if unchecked, it can threaten the overall communal existence of the country as one entity. The purpose of this study is therefore, to examine the impact of insecurity on enterprise development in Nigeria.

This study used the most recent Nigeria Enterprise Survey data (2014) and applied multi-nomial logistic regression model to examine the impact of insecurity on enterprise development in Nigeria.

It was found among others that all the captured insecurity variables in this study have negative significant impact on enterprise development and as such significantly retards enterprise growth and development except for corruption and availability of strong, fair and impartial legal system (comparing partnership and limited partnership enterprise to the sole proprietorship), which were found to have positive impact on enterprise development in Nigeria.

This study therefore recommended among others that government at all levels – federal, state and local – should try harder to live up to its primary constitutional function of providing adequate security of lives and property to its citizenry.

There is no known study that has investigated the impact of insecurity on enterprise development in Nigeria. There is dearth of literature in the study area, hence this study enormously contributes to the growing literature on insecurity and enterprise development.

This chapter explores the writings of Pakistani sociologist Hamza Alavi, especially on the post-colonial state, ethnicity, peasantry and kinship relations. In contradistinction to most (partial) uptakes of Alavi, I evaluate his work as a whole in order to shed light on its continuities and discontinuities. I demonstrate both the strengths and pitfalls of Alavi's theorisation of the post-colonial state, mode of production and ethnicity by placing him in context of wider Marxist debates at the time. I then suggest that Alavi's other work (e.g. on the peasantry and kinship relations) may serve to complement the weaknesses of the former. Thus, by reading Alavi contra Alavi, I advocate for an ‘integral’ perspective on the relations between civil and political society, arguing for a conjunctural awareness of mediations between the same, and their imbrications with differentiated relations of class, ethnicity and kinship.