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This chapter focuses on the case of migrant Filipina live-in domestic workers in Greece and how the frame of their work and employment in precarious, low-status/low-wage jobs and race discrimination at work, that is, the employers’ residences, affect their participation in secondary groups of solidarity and workers and their representation in them, that is, community, migrant labour associations and trade unions, during the economic crisis in Greece. According to the results of in-depth interviews Filipina migrants are entrapped in a frame of isolative and exploitative working conditions and racial discrimination at work, that is, personal services, care and domestic work. In this working context, most of the interviewed migrant Filipina live-in domestic workers appear to have developed individualistic perceptions, they act in an atomistic manner, form materialistic beliefs, are indifferent to collectivity and solidarity and are isolated from their compatriots and other workers. They have low self-perceptions and expectations for social advancement and deal with their social and labour-related problems individually, or completely resign from claiming them.

Informed by health activism (Zoller, 2005), the purpose of this paper is to explore the communicative processes of organizations working with women migrants in countries of destination. In particular, it explored the definitions of and explanations for health of organizations, their solutions to disease and illness, as well as, the methods and tactics they use to communicate health.

It employed qualitative approach specifically in-depth interviews with leaders or core members of not-for-profit and faith-based organizations working with Filipina migrants in Japan. Field notes from participant observations in formal meetings and informal gatherings were likewise used as data sources.

While organizations also recognized physical and spiritual health, they placed strong emphasis on mental well-being. Other than translation service, pastoral care, and shelter, coordinating with other not-for-profit and faith-based organizations, international centers, and governments was solution for addressing illness and disease. Together with face-to-face, digital media were used as method and tactic to communicate within and outside organizations. It likewise found that the organizations included were inclusive such that they also worked with other Filipinos in Japan.

This paper contributed to migration health literature by discussing the central role of organizations for mental well-being activism, favorable consequences of coordination among organizations to promote access to quality healthcare and information and dual characterization of digital media for organizing publics. Overall, it is one of the few to explore the ways into which organizations communicatively challenge health structures in countries of destination.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the cases of Bangladeshi, Filipina, Nigerian, Palestinian and Pakistani migrant workers and how the frame of their work and employment in precarious, low-status/low-wage jobs affects their perceptions and practices regarding health and access to healthcare services.

Using qualitative research methodology, the analysis via in-depth interviews focuses on male Bangladeshi, Nigerian, Pakistani and Palestinian unskilled manual and textile laborers as well as street vendors, and female Filipina live-in domestic workers.

Migrants are entrapped in a context of isolative and exploitative working conditions, i.e., in unskilled labor, textile work, street-vending, personal services, care and domestic work, which lead them to adopt a self-perception in which healthcare and social protection are not a priority.

Throughout the paper it has become clear that these precarious low-status/low-wage jobs have an important underside effect on migrants’ lives, intensifying labor and health instability and exposing migrants to employment-generating activities that do not guarantee health safety. In Greek society, the impact of migration on public health is characterized by many as a “time bomb ready to explode,” especially in urban centers. Meanwhile, the economy and particularly the informal sector of the labor market is benefiting from migrant workers. More research is needed as this mode of exploitative labor and precarious employment needs to be adequately addressed to mitigate barriers in the access of labor and healthcare rights.

Via its contribution to the sociology of migration with particular emphasis on labor healthcare, the paper provides evidence that due to their concentration in precarious, low-status/low-wage jobs migrant workers have very limited access to healthcare services. The removal of inequalities and discrimination against migrant workers in accessing healthcare services and medical care is a challenge for South European Union countries and particularly for Greece. However, in spite of this, there is no uniform policy in the management of migrants with respect to their access to health services. The paper will aid debates between policy makers and academics working on migration and inequalities due to the division of labor and health disparities, will contribute to the understanding of the perils attached to precarious, low-status/low-wage jobs and in addressing health inequalities effectively.

This qualitative study seeks to explore the grounded realities of live-in care workers in Malta. The growing economic affluence in Malta, coupled by an ageing population and the lowest fertility rate in the European Union, is resulting in a greater demand for live-in care givers, particularly from the Philippines. Reinforced through public policy wherein families who employ a qualified live-in carer are benefiting from government subsidy to ease burden on the state’s residential homes, Malta appears to be moving from a passive to a more active international recruitment of domestic migrant workers. This inquiry provides an evidence-based contribution to the appeal of the European Economic and Social Committee of the EU calling for more research about the rights of live-in care workers in Europe which has long remained almost invisible to EU and Member State policymakers. The majority of the findings reflect some of the concerns that have already been identified in international literature, like higher levels of precariousness, contractual agreements not being honoured, psychological obligations, fraudulent agents and the lack of separation between work and personal life. Other findings have endogenous characteristics that are closely linked to the island state of Malta, namely its safe environment, Catholic culture, bilingual coexistence of Maltese and English and the competitive nature of Filipino community groups that may discourage further social engagement. The chapter concludes with brief policy suggestions to trigger improvements in the wellbeing and dignity of migrant carers.

The production of the ‘good life’ or the ‘less bad-life’ (Berlant, 2007, 2011), especially among generations of the Marcos dictatorship and the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue revolutions (henceforth, EDSA revolutions) in the Philippines, is animated by the ‘mobility imperative’ (Farrugia, 2016). The mobility imperative includes processes that encourage or demand mobility (Farrugia, 2016) for individuals and institutions. It figures in various ‘systems of practice’ (Levitt, 1998, 2001) among families in migrant-sending communities, government and corporations that magnify how migration is the ticket to better life (McKay, 2012) or its glorification as a heroic act (de los Reyes, 2013, 2014). Among the generations of the Martial Law and the EDSA revolutions, therefore, the ‘good life’ is hinged upon departure as professionals (e.g. nurses and engineers), workers in elementary occupations (e.g. construction and domestic workers) or mail-order brides or pen pals. Put simply, the good life in these generations is a function of remittances.

This chapter examines how the contemporary generation of young people construct the ‘good life’ in differential and new terms (de los Reyes, 2023; McKay & Brady, 2005) from previous generations. Using interviews and vision boards of left-behind children (15–18 years old), it argues that left-behind children critically appraise the ‘mobility imperative’. The chapter shows that there is a growing imagination of alternatives to the migration-induced good life among left-behind children, and therefore, they gradually refuse the ‘mobility imperative’. For them, the aspired good life consists of potentially being employees or entrepreneurs in their own villages and living a life with their own families (de los Reyes, 2019, 2020).

Many families in the developed world hire live-in caregivers to meet their childcare and elder care needs. Given the spatial arrangements – i.e., that the caregiver lives with her employer – relationships between employers and live-in caregivers can develop into family-like relationships. The purpose of this paper is to draw on data from two Canadian studies to examine the relationships between migrant live-in caregivers and their employers.

The first study focused on the live-in caregivers in Canada. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 Filipina nurses who migrated to Canada through the Live-in Caregiver Program. The second study was a pilot descriptive study that included interviews of recruiter groups and employers of live-in caregivers. Data were thematically analyzed, aided by NVivo software.

The studies indicate that some live-in caregivers prefer to be treated as one of the family, while others prefer to have a strictly professional employer/employee relationship. Their employers are similarly divided. The authors identify reciprocity and respect as important ingredients for healthy relationships between live-in caregivers and their employers. Without these key ingredients, relationships between employers and live-in caregivers can be exploitative, especially given the unequal power inherent in the relationship.

Further studies are needed to better understand how these relationships evolve over time and in space.

There is a need to create policies to further prevent exploitation of live-in caregivers within an unfavorable employee or familial relationship.

This study provides useful insight into the development of knowledge on relationships between live-in caregivers and employers.

Purpose – The burgeoning literature on gender and immigration has largely abandoned atavistic conceptualizations of gender. Instead, migration scholars have integrated an understanding of gender that is relational, contextual, and mutually constitutive with migration. Most of this research has focused on the ways in which migration shapes gender relations, with much less focus on the ways in which gender relations contribute to migration flows. Additionally, the integration of gender analysis in migration studies has contributed significantly to our understanding of migration but has not informed gender theory to nearly the same extent. In this chapter, we synthesize the extant literature on gender and migration, as it relates to the dynamics that precipitate migration.

Methodology/approach – We conducted a review and synthesis of the extant literature that examines the relationship between gender and the decisions and opportunities to migrate.

Findings – Through this synthesis, we identified four gendered institutions that precipitate migration: (1) global labor markets, (2) family and care work, (3) social networks, and (4) violence.

Practical implications – We contribute to the development of gender theory by examining the structural dimensions of gender, thus illuminating the connections between gender relations operating at macro and micro levels.

Originality/value of paper – Although other scholars have reviewed the literature on gender and migration, previous reviews (and most empirical studies) have focused on how migration has shaped gender relations. No reviews to date have focused on how gender relations shape migration. Additionally, most scholars fail to recognize the relationship of gendered violence to other precipitates of migration.

Gender is a defining feature of informal/precarious work in the twenty-first century, yet studies rarely adopt a gendered lens when examining collective efforts to challenge informality and precarity. This chapter foregrounds the gendered dimensions of informal/precarious workers’ struggles as a crucial starting point for re-theorizing the future of global labor movements. Drawing upon the findings of the volume’s six chapters spanning five countries (the United States, Canada, South Korea, Mexico, and India) and two gender-typed sectors (domestic work and construction), this chapter explores how gender is intertwined into informal/precarious workers’ movements, why gender is addressed, and to what end. Across countries and sectors, informal/precarious worker organizations are on the front lines of challenging the multiple forms of gendered inequalities that shape contemporary practices of accumulation and labor regulation. They expose the forgotten reality that class structures not only represent classification struggles around work, but also around social identities, such as gender, race, and migration status. However, these organizing efforts are not fighting to transform the gendered division of labor or embarking on revolutionary struggles to overturn private ownership and liberalized markets. Nonetheless, these struggles are making major transformations in terms of increasing women’s leadership and membership in labor movements and exposing how gender interacts with other ascriptive identities to shape work. They are also radicalizing hegemonic scripts of capitalist accumulation, development, and even gender to attain recognition for female-dominated occupations and reproductive needs for the first time ever. These outcomes are crucial as sources of emancipatory transformations at a time when state and public support for labor and social protection is facing a deep assault stemming from the pressures of transnational production and globalizing markets.

The purpose of this paper is to describe how migration affects the care of older people in Italy.

The paper is based on anthropological fieldwork by one of the authors. This consisted of in-depth interviews with 20 “badanti” (migrant caregivers), with relatives of older people and with social workers in the city of Verona, Italy. It further included extensive study of secondary materials on the topic of migrant care of older people.

Badanti, Italian families and older people find themselves locked in an uneasy contract: badanti because they are exploited and often unable to find better, formal employment; Italian families because they are aware that they fail to render their moral duty to their aged parents and grandparents; and older people because they feel neglected and maltreated by their children. Yet the three parties also rely on each other to make the best of a precarious situation. The relationship between badanti and Italian elderly highlights the contradictions within Italian politics on care and migration. This case study shows how migrants help Italian families to hold on to the tradition of family care for ageing parents.

The small sample of badanti and families provides a detailed and profound insight of the complexity of elder care in Italy but does not allow generalisation for developments in the country as a whole.

Policy makers should take notice of the indispensability of informal migrant care in present day Italy.

The originality of the paper lies in the in-depth conversations with badanti and in the way in which elderly care is contextualised in the Italian tradition of care and present day politics.