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This purpose of this paper is to explore to efficacy of influence tactics at the outset of a job interview. Across three empirical studies, five influence tactics were manipulated during a simulated job interview to explore first impressions for candidates with or without a visible disability.

Participants viewed videos of candidates (either in a wheelchair or not) responding to the opening question in a job interview by using one of five influence tactics (i.e. revealing a strong alternative, setting a numerical anchor, demonstrating approachability through imperfections, presenting hard skills that described job-related competencies or presenting soft skills including connecting well with and leading others). Perceptions of trustworthiness, fit for the current job and perceived appropriate salary amount were rated.

Results show that, in general, tactics that might have beneficial effects when used at later moments, including the use of a strong alternate, anchor or imperfection display, may instead harm first impressions of anyone. When discussing specific skills, hard skills helped in both cases. However, the presentation of soft skills helped only the non-disabled job candidate. Trustworthiness acted as a mediator for most of these relationships in both populations.

Results provide insight into how the use of these tactics very early in an interaction unfolds. Further, parsing the use of influence tactics into their effects on specific populations (such as people with disabilities) allows us to better understand the conditions under which they may help or hurt perceptions of employability.

As both workplace and personal interactions increasingly move into online discussions, the impact of various technological devices (such as cell phones and laptops) on behaviors and decisions must be better understood. This study aims to assess whether tasks done on cell phones or laptops prompt more deception for the sake of personal gain in decisions and negotiations, based on the associations held about each device.

Four empirical studies plus a single-study meta-analysis explore the rates of self-serving deceptive behavior based on the type of device used in decision-making tasks (ultimatum-game bargaining and negotiations).

Results show that using a laptop prompted more self-serving behavior than using a cell phone. Follow-up studies suggest that the dominant associations that people hold with each device – professional ones for the laptop and personal ones for cell phone – may help drive this effect.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is among the first to establish a link between technological device and behavioral outcomes in negotiations, even when the exact format of the information sent and received is identical (i.e. text-only format). The findings have implications for selecting devices for important negotiations and decisions, as some may promote more ethical behavior than others.

There are various measures which can be taken to improve hygienic conditions in the food trades, but basically they reduce to two: namely, legislation and exhortation. I am speaking here of actual positive steps that can be taken by an outside authority such as the central or local government. Within the industry, forces having an influence on hygiene are, of course, continuously at work, and they may make for the improvement or the deterioration of hygienic conditions. These forces may be of a commercial character or they may derive from a desire of those who are engaged in the industry to make their work as attractive as possible by the creation of clean surroundings. The strength of the latter varies with the individual—there are a few who are blind to dirt around them, and there are, of course, also those, I believe a small minority, who, although they are—to use a modern jargon—allergic to dirt, are even more allergic to the work of preventing its accumulation and of cleaning away what is unavoidable. Most of us, however, are neither blind to the existence of dirt around us nor too lazy to make the effort to remove it if it is there. But by far the most important factor of this kind is competition. Generally speaking, the housewife is becoming more fastidious and will go to a shop where the conditions are clean, where food is attractively displayed and the staff are themselves clean and refrain from unhygienic practices such as licking the fingers to detach a piece of wrapping paper. At the same time, she likes to see plenty of fish from which to make her selection, and the successful fishmonger must accordingly have a generous display. The housewife does not then feel that her choice is limited to what has been rejected by others. Moreover, when the demand for fish is high, possibly owing to the scarcity of other types of protein food, she will tend to go to the shop which has the best supply and the greatest variety of fish even though its hygienic conditions may fall short of the ideal. A crowded shop will make it more difficult for the retailer to find the time and space to protect his fish from contamination and to keep it in prime condition. Thus you will sometimes find a rapid turnover combined with a lack of attention to some of the niceties of hygiene, but it should not be supposed that the first follows from the second. Brisk business may tend to militate against hygiene but lack of attention to hygiene will not encourage good business. Other things being equal, the housewife will choose the cleanest shop. I do not need to tell you that fish is a highly perishable food and that the rate of decay depends very largely on the proper treatment of the fish and of the observance of sanitary and cleanly conditions. Decay is largely due to bacterial action, and any steps which will tend to reduce the activity of bacteria, such as proper icing, protection from bruising, and so on, must be beneficial both to the fish trader and his customers. Before I come to express a view on the principles which ought to guide us in the effort to spread the gospel of hygiene and to ensure that it is put into practice, I want to congratulate the National Federation of Fishmongers on the interest it takes, and I believe has always taken, in this subject. I remember how, during the war years, before there was a Food Hygiene Division in the Ministry, I was in charge of another Division and had some dealings with your federation. I remember that the secretary of your federation approached me many times in the hope of inducing the Ministry to take steps to secure cleaner conditions. I was compelled to answer that we were baulked by questions of vires and that though the spirit was willing, powers were non‐existent. The interest of your federation is also shown by the useful leaflet entitled “ Fish Trade Hygiene ”. The recommendations in this leaflet are valuable, and if they were universally observed would leave little room for complaint. It is an open secret that the Minister has in mind some modifications and extensions of the existing law. First, many of you will be aware from statements made in the House of Commons that he hopes at some appropriate time to introduce a Bill to amend the Food and Drugs Act. This Bill, if it is enacted, will probably make some slight changes in Section 13, but I clearly cannot enter into details at this meeting. Your federation has already had an opportunity to comment on the proposals. It is also known to you that the Minister has in mind some regulations for the fish trades. Regulations are the most suitable instrument for dealing with particular conditions of individual trades; the general picture is that the Act is appropriate for the requirements applicable to all food trades and that these ought to be supplemented by regulations imposing special requirements for particular trades. It is not always possible to arrange matters in this way, but it is the pattern which underlies our ideas for hygiene legislation, and our draft regulations do in fact contain for the most part provisions which seem to us to be necessary to meet the particular conditions of the fish trades but have not a general application to other trades. Your officers have already had an opportunity of commenting on our proposals which cover all stages in the movement of fish from the time when it is landed on the quay until the time when it is delivered to the consumer. You will be particularly concerned with those parts of the regulations which touch on the sale of fish by retail. They deal with personal cleanliness, the cleanliness of premises, equipment and utensils, the structure of the ceiling, walls and floors of rooms in which fish is sold or prepared for sale, the provision of water, the wearing of protective clothing, the disposal of refuse, the provision and use of refrigerated storage, the icing of fish, and the protection of fish from contamination. I do not intend to go into the details of these draft regulations; I doubt if any of them does more than to set out in black and white what every good fishmonger already does or refrains from doing.

Communications regarding this column should be addressed to Mrs. Cheney, Peabody Library School, Nashville, Term. 37203. Mrs. Cheney does not sell the books listed here. They are available through normal trade sources. Mrs. Cheney, being a member of the editorial board of Pierian Press, will not review Pierian Press reference books in this column. Descriptions of Pierian Press reference books will be included elsewhere in this publication.

We evaluate the use of metaphors in academic literature on women in academia. Utilizing the work of Husu (2001) and the concept of intersectionality, we explore the ways in which notions of structure and/or agency are reflected in metaphors and the consequences of this.

The research comprised an analysis of 113 articles on women in academia and a subanalysis of 17 articles on women in Political Science published in academic journals between 2004 and 2013.

In the case of metaphors about academic institutions, the most popular metaphors are the glass ceiling, the leaky pipeline, and the old boys’ network, and, in the case of metaphors about women academics, strangers/outsiders and mothers/housekeepers.

Usage of metaphors in the literature analyzed suggests that the literature often now works with a more nuanced conception of the structure/agency problematic than at the time Husu was writing: instead of focusing on either structures or agents in isolation, the literature has begun to look more critically at the interplay between them, although this may not be replicated at a disciplinary level.

We highlight the potential benefits of interdependent metaphors which are able to reflect more fully the structurally situated nature of (female) agency. These metaphors, while recognizing the (multiple and intersecting) structural constraints that women may face both within and outwith the academy, are able to capture more fully the different forms female power and agency can take. Consequently, they contribute both to the politicization of problems that female academics may face and to the stimulation of collective responses for a fairer and better academy.

The purpose of this chapter is to combine research findings around gender bias and the challenges women face in academia, and to present a unified conceptual framework. Ample research indicates that the issue is far from sufficiently addressed. Even in cases where policies are in place, mediocre outcomes are observed. Fewer women climb the ladder of academic progression all the way up to senior positions, especially in certain institutions and certain disciplines.

After thoroughly reviewing the literature, the authors integrate and organize the different multifaceted causes that appear to obstruct women in academia. They propose a scheme that divides between contextual and non-contextual factors, emphasizing their interplay.

Even when policies are in place, they appear to have limited results, because they mainly address isolated factors rather than taking a multifaceted, integrative approach.

Future research should further examine the interplay of contextual and non-contextual factors by combining multiple variables that contribute to gender bias in academia.

Policy-making should consider both contextual and non-contextual factors, thus providing more integrative solutions and taking a broader perspective on the issue.

Despite the ample and rising amount of research findings, there is no coherent framework to adequately include all the factors that contribute to gender bias in academia. By integrating and organizing the different, multifaceted causes already pointed out by previous findings, the authors hope to contribute to future research with specific variables to test and correlate, as well as to the formulation of more sophisticated policies.

The American Telephone and Telegraph (AT&T) divestiture and the resulting changes in telephone company regulation in the United States have allowed telephone companies to diversify into non‐regulated businesses including the online information services industry. How and when US telephone companies enter potential information markets is determined in large part by the changes in regulation that have occurred and will occur over the next few years.