Search results

The purpose of this paper is to analyze maritime logistics connectivity of ports and shipping networks in the East Sea Economic Rim (ESER) to promote international trade in the context of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), considering centrality, primary flow and clustering interaction.

The paper applies a complex network model, using a big data system consisting of an automated identification system, electronic data interchange and distributive and complex data. Three perspectives, including connectivity in trading ports and regions, centralities in the realm of complex network and potential marketing and regional impacts, and sixteen criteria are considered for this analysis. A visual approach has been also applied to highlight port connectivity and ship flows for the reader’s convenience.

The paper shows that port connectivity and maritime logistics are enablers to promote Korean international trade in Northeast China through the ESER, and 25 major ports are well connected to promote international trade in the region with visual data of ship flows by ship type and by flag.

Owing to the lack of port management information systems among the countries in the ESER except Korea and Japan, this paper could not capture cargo types and amounts on board. Port connectivity analysis shows links of the ports in the ESER to major ports in southeast Asia along the Twenty-first Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR). These results contribute to drawing policy implications to promote the ESER and provide suggestions for promoting Korean international trade by enhancing maritime logistics connectivity.

Unlike the existing literature showing descriptive and policy-oriented research related to ESER, this paper applied a vigorous method with a big amount of data to analyze port connectivity and ship flows in the ESER, considering China’s BRI affecting the global supply chain system, maritime transportation, and logistics. In addition, the paper shows how the seaports in the ESER are connected along the MSR.

The growing power of China's economy with its ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative for building a new globalised world is generally believed to have an impact on global economic development and sustainability.

The current Chairman and President of the People's Republic of China Mr. Jinping Xi proposed the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative in 2013 during his official visit to Kazakhstan and Indonesia. This was a Chinese initiative to create the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) to promote a new model for international cooperation and development. In recent years, more and more countries from Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa have agreed to join the initiative and have established their regional plans for economic development and sustainability.

This chapter provides a critical review of China's ‘One Belt and One Road’ initiative for creating higher growth and economic development through infrastructure connectivity, increased trade and investment. It discusses the challenges of the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative and reports on the risks associated with the development of this regional cooperation. It summarises arguments for a common approach to infrastructure development and regional cooperation by supranational institutions.

It concludes that the growing positive support for China's ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative and its development as one of the largest infrastructure and investment projects in history would bring significant benefits to the global economy.

This paper examines the port of Mombasa’s attempted implementation of computer-based terminal operating systems (TOS); the challenges faced and the outcomes. In addition to enhancing its operations efficiency, a key motivation for the technology was to facilitate better integration and connectivity to the Belt and Road as a key gateway along the key route. It utilised a qualitative single-case methodology, involving a combination of semi-structured interviews, non-participant observations and content analysis of relevant policy documents and reports provided by the port. The paper finds that the attempt to adopt and implement TOS at the port mostly failed as a result of a complex combination of technological, organisational and environmental factors. Most importantly, the wider business environment was ill equipped with the necessary information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure to support effective implementation. There was also a general lack of appropriately skilled workers to support and drive the same.

Since the start of the current century, the world at large has experienced uncertainties as a result of climate change, terrorism threats and increasing economic upheaval. These uncertainties create non-classical risks for global seaborne container trade and liner shipping networks (LSNs). The purpose of this paper is to establish a novel risk-based resilience framework to measure the effectiveness of different recovery strategies for the disruptions in LSNs in a quantitative manner.

Based on a resilience loss triangle model, an indicator of resilience–cost ratio is designed to measure the performance of LSNs during recovery. Four recovery strategies are proposed to test the rationality and feasibility of the developed indicator in aiding decision-making of LSNs from a resilience perspective.

The analysis results reveal that the superiorities of different recovery strategies vary depending on both the structures of LSNs and the specific requirements during recovery. Moreover, optimizing the sequence of ports being recovered will improve the overall recovery efficiency of the investigated LSN.

As an exploratory research trying to enrich the risk-based resilience evaluation of LSNs from a complex network perspective, only two attributes (e.g. port scare and economy) are considered at the current stage when estimating the time needed to fully recover the whole LSN. In future research, more attributes from the industry may be identified and incorporated into the proposed model to further extend its ability and application scopes.

The findings will help to improve managerial understandings of recovery strategies to build more resilient LSNs. The proposed model has the capability to be tailored to tackle different types of risks in addition to the storm disaster condition.

The risk-based resilience framework and the resilience–cost ratio indicator are newly developed in this research. They can consider LSNs' structural resilience and the total costs that a recovery strategy needs to restore the whole system simultaneously.

This study aims to investigate how the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Chinese outward foreign direct investments (FDI) impact the Belt and Road countries (BRCs). It draws on postcolonial theory to investigate the (geo)political objectives behind the financial and economic means.

In line with the nature of postcolonial studies, the study applies a discourse analysis integrating it with empirical data on indebtedness and trade.

This study finds that FDI and the BRI, as a development project, need to be considered a double-edged sword for the receiving countries. The authors provide evidence that China has instrumentalized financial and economic means to gain political influence and pursue geopolitical ambitions. Moreover, investments into sensitive sectors (e.g. energy, infrastructure), combined with the BRCs’ inability to pay back loans, could eventually lead to China gaining control of these assets.

The study investigates the financial and economic means that are instrumentalized to gain political influence while not considering flows of technology and know-how. It also limits itself to the study of FDI coming from one specific country, i.e. China. Therefore, no comparison and evaluation are made of FDI from other countries, such as the USA or European countries.

By revealing noncommercial objectives and geopolitical ambitions that China pursues through the BRI, the authors derive policy implications for the BRCs, third countries and China.

The study contributes to postcolonial theory and neocolonialism by investigating how China uses financial and economic means to achieve noncommercial objectives and pursue geopolitical ambitions. Additionally, the authors enhance the understanding of FDI by highlighting more subtle aspects of the complex and contextual nature of FDI as a social phenomenon, which have been overlooked thus far. The authors challenge the predominant positive framing of FDI and provide a counterpoint to the way FDI is often coined.

The paper aims to contribute to the current research on China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from a historical point of view. The paper investigates why the history of the Silk Roads is important to the BRI, what is in the guiding thought underpinning China's Silk Roads narrative and how this narrative is presented transnationally, through an insightful analysis of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) view of the Silk Roads history, as well as its perception of the connections between the Silk Roads history and the BRI.

The paper sits in the interface between history, heritage and state power. The argument is framed in concepts of historical constructionism and soft power. It is based on the discourse analysis of China's official narrative of Silk Roads and a case study of the planning for the World Heritage nomination of the Maritime Silk Routes (MSR) (China section). The case study is conducted through a qualitative analysis of academic publications, media reports and programs, official speeches and documents that are available to the public in hardcopy or on the Internet.

The paper reveals the relationship between the state-endorsed Silk Roads narrative and the BRI. The paper argues that the state-backed Silk Roads narrative as well as the planning for the World Heritage nomination of the MSR (China section) is guided by the Chinese Communist Party's perception of the BRI. In this respect, the Silk Roads-associated history, heritage and memory are shaped and deployed to serve as a convenient platform for the promotion of the BRI. The Party leaders' perception of the BRI is in large part about the revival of China's past glory, its national rejuvenation and the demonstration of China's soft power.

The paper contributes to the existing literature on the BRI through its enquiries into how the CPC reconcile nationalist ambitions with notions of peace, harmony and cosmopolitanism and how CPC's view of the Silk Roads history shapes its vision of the BRI. The paper examines the role of the state in the construction and articulation of the Silk Roads-associated history, heritage and memory. It investigates how China's official interpretation of the Silk Road heritage serves China's BRI.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China policy. It examines the increasingly broad dissatisfaction with China policy, which has resulted in an apparent end the era of intensive engagement and led to a hardening of the US approach to China across the policy spectrum, as exemplified by the critique of and incipient efforts to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The research draws on primary and secondary source material to identify evidence of and examine the rationale behind the shift from the USA’s decades-long “engagement” approach toward an in intensifying strategic competition with China.

A course correction in US–China policy has been years in the making, and as most now argue is long overdue. The idea that China has emerged as America’s foremost strategic competitor is widely accepted, and indeed deeply ingrained in the thinking of most US foreign affairs professionals. It is also starkly evident in current US declaratory policy and increasingly in its operational policy as well.

The research offers a fresh perspective on the domestic and diplomatic dimensions of China’s rising.

The research builds on the latest scholarship on the growth of China’s geopolitical challenge to the USA to explore the development of China–US tensions and rivalries at all levels from the Bush and Obama eras to the present.

The historic Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an economic reform policy proposed by the Chinese Government that focuses on connectivity, improved collaboration and more robust economic relations. This paper aims to identify risks involved in BRI infrastructure project and establish a hierarchical relationship among them.

The methodology includes two phases, namely, identification of significant risks involved in the BRI project using systematic literature review and to develop a hierarchical relationship between the risks using interpretive structural modeling followed by the MICMAC analysis.

This work has identified the 11 risks of BRI infrastructure projects through academic literature. Based on the analysis, economic risk (R3), environmental risk (R1) and political risk (R2) are placed at level six in the ISM model and can significantly influence BRI infrastructure projects. These risks have high driving power, which exaggerates other risks.

This study would help Engineering Procurements and Construction contractors in strategic decision-making select risk mitigation strategies and make robust and efficient infrastructure projects. However, additional factors may be considered, which are essential for the BRI infrastructure project.

This research’s novelty lies in the advancement of expertise in project risk assessment. This study contributes by identifying the most significant risks involved in the BRI project. The integrated ISM-MICMAC approach provides a macro picture of BRI project risks to formulate better strategies for its success.