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Book part
Publication date: 13 May 2019

Nidhi Chowdhary and Sourav Kumar Das

The threat of terrorism is not just limited to a particular nation, rather it has affected the economies of several developed and developing nations. In this study, we…

Abstract

The threat of terrorism is not just limited to a particular nation, rather it has affected the economies of several developed and developing nations. In this study, we have tried to analyze how terrorism has been sought to be tackled and how it can be tackled. In this context, we present the extent to which the method adopted by the USA after the 9/11 attacks, which is popularly called the Global War on Terror (GWOT), has been successful in eliminating terrorism from the world. Only qualitative methodology has been used in this chapter, and most of it has been derived from secondary sources. Through this study, we seek to show that the successes of GWOT have been limited in nature, in spite of tall claims. In fact, what the US has achieved by GWOT in the name of success is the killing of the leaders of some terrorist organizations, successful disruption of their sanctuaries, passing several legislations in order to launch counterterrorism operations, and the freezing the finances of these terrorist organizations by banning some of their charity-based organizations. This chapter lists the gains obtained as a result of GWOT and also highlights what may be called the failures of this global endeavor. Such a proposition aims at showing why GWOT is not only but possibly the best solution to eradicate terrorism. The unexpected outcomes, however, have been many, not only for terrorism but also for international politics, thereby impacting international organizations and also the third-world nations.

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The Impact of Global Terrorism on Economic and Political Development
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78769-919-9

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Book part
Publication date: 13 May 2019

Abstract

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The Impact of Global Terrorism on Economic and Political Development
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78769-919-9

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Book part
Publication date: 18 April 2017

Stephen C. Poulson

This study investigates patterns of violence employed by insurgents killing civilians living in small ethnic enclaves located in Ninewa Province, Iraq from 2003 to 2009…

Abstract

This study investigates patterns of violence employed by insurgents killing civilians living in small ethnic enclaves located in Ninewa Province, Iraq from 2003 to 2009. The ethnic minorities in these communities include: (1) Yazidis in Sinjar District, (2) Chaldo-Assyrian Christians in the Ninewa Plains and, (3) the Turkmen enclave of Tal Afar. To date, there has been little investigation into violence directed toward small ethnic enclaves during civil war, though some have suggested that ethnic enclaves might insulate civilians from violence (Kaufmann, 1996). Using fatality data from the Iraq Body Count, this study compares the patterns of insurgent violence directed toward these enclave communities to co-ethnic and mixed-ethnic communities. The experiences of the enclaves were varied – some were largely insulated from attacks – but when attacked, the average number killed was greater and more indiscriminate as compared to communities with significant Arab populations. One possible explanation for these differences is that insurgents did not regard these citizens as being “convertible,” which caused them to employ violence in a more indiscriminate manner. When insurgents did act to secure control of enclave communities, they used indiscriminate forms of violence against civilians, as compared to more selective forms of violence employed when controlling co-ethnic communities.

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Non-State Violent Actors and Social Movement Organizations
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78714-190-2

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Nirbhaya, New Media and Digital Gender Activism
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-78754-529-8

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Article
Publication date: 1 July 2006

Alan Goldman

The aim of this paper is to assess highly toxic leaders and dysfunctional organizations as presented via management consulting and executive coaching assignments.

Abstract

Purpose

The aim of this paper is to assess highly toxic leaders and dysfunctional organizations as presented via management consulting and executive coaching assignments.

Design/methodology/approach

The paper employs an action research approach via two participant observer case studies incorporating the DSM IV‐TR: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.

Findings

The paper finds that the nexus of dysfunctional organizational systems may be located in “pre‐existing” leadership pathologies.

Research limitations/implications

First, additional research will be needed to confirm and extend the findings of individual pathologies in leaders to dysfunctional organizational systems; second, a closer look is necessary at the applicability of the DSM IV‐TR to pathologies at the organizational level; third, due to the action research, case study approach utilized, there is somewhat limited generalizability; fourth, there are limitations re: the applicability of DSM IV‐TR as an assessment tool for management researchers due to the necessity of training in clinical psychology.

Practical implications

The importance of distinguishing personality disorders in leaders from toxic behaviors falling within a range of “normal pathology,” and the ability to assess individual leadership pathology within organizational systems via the clinically trained usage of the DSM IV‐TR; providing clinical assessment tools for reducing the number of misdiagnoses of leadership pathology in the workplace; encouraging collaboration between management and psychology researchers and practitioners.

Originality/value

This paper fills a gap in the toxic organizations research by identifying personality disorders in leaders and providing an action research agenda for incorporating the DSM IV‐TR as a means of extending the repertoire of assessment tools;

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Journal of Managerial Psychology, vol. 21 no. 5
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0268-3946

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Book part
Publication date: 2 March 2021

Christopher J. Cyr and Michael Widmeier

We examine why some groups use violence while others use nonviolence when they push for major political change. Nonviolence can be less costly, but nonstate actors must…

Abstract

We examine why some groups use violence while others use nonviolence when they push for major political change. Nonviolence can be less costly, but nonstate actors must mobilize a large number of people for it to be successful. This is less critical for violent rebellion, as successful attacks can be committed by a small number of people. This means that groups that believe that they have the potential to mobilize larger numbers of people are less likely to use violence. This potential is related to the lines along which the group mobilizes. Campaigns mobilized along ethnic or Marxist lines have fewer potential members and are most likely to use violence. Prodemocracy campaigns have a higher number of potential members and are more likely to use nonviolence. For movements against a foreign occupation, campaigns in larger countries are more likely to use nonviolence. These predictions are supported in a multilevel logit model of campaigns from 1945 to 2006. The mechanism is tested by looking at the interactive effect of democratic changes on the likelihood of nonviolence and looking at a subsample of 72 campaigns that explicitly draw from certain ethnic or religious groups.

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Power and Protest
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-1-83909-834-5

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Book part
Publication date: 10 March 2010

Jennifer Earl and Sarah A. Soule

Scholarship on the effects of various kinds of state repression (e.g., counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, protest policing) on subsequent dissent has produced a body of…

Abstract

Scholarship on the effects of various kinds of state repression (e.g., counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, protest policing) on subsequent dissent has produced a body of contradictory findings. In an attempt to better understand the effects of one form of state repression – protest policing – on one form of dissent – public protest – this paper examines the effects of various policing strategies used at protest events on subsequent protest levels in the United States between 1960 and 1990. Theoretically, we argue the effects of repression cannot be broadly theorized but instead need to be hypothesized at the level of particular police strategies and actions. We theorize and empirically examine the impacts of five police strategies, while also improving on prior analyses by producing a comprehensive model that examines lagged and nonlinear effects and examines the effects across the entire social movement sector, as well as across two specific movement industries. Results (1) confirm that not all police strategies have the same effects; (2) show that policing strategies tend to have predominately linear effects; (3) show that police actions have their strongest effects in the very short term, with few effects detectable after a few weeks; and (4) point to interesting differences in the effects of policing strategies on subsequent protest across different social movements.

Details

Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change
Type: Book
ISBN: 978-0-85724-036-1

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