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Since 1980, property cycles have emerged emphatically as a phenomenon of urban development in both developed and developing countries. Among the many things which need to be explained is the continuing high levels of financial investment in property sectors, even well past the time when supply exceeds demand and vacancy rates continue to grow. Various intellectuals have put forward new theories and some situational explanations of the periodic over‐capitalisation in property. The economic adversities are not confined to the property and finance sectors. They extend into the socio‐economic performance of national economies, and in some cases they have international linkages and impacts. Gives exposition and evaluation relating to cyclicity in the USA, the UK, Japan, and some developing countries in Asia. The aim is mainly centred on explanation and theory, extending earlier published work in the authors’ research programmes in property cycles, urban development, and experience in both developing and developed countries. The economic, social, and political significance of property cycles is enormous.

The purpose of this paper is to develop a better understanding of the debt structuring of project finance (PF) loans and the main drivers affecting the maturity of bank loans in infrastructure deals. When banks grant loans to a project, they have two decision variables: the interest margin or the spread and the maturity of the loan. Although several studies analyze the drivers of the spread, few studies in the literature look at the maturity of bank loans. As infrastructure projects are typically highly leveraged, the structuring of bank lending is an important parameter in the financial viability of the project.

The paper develops a regression analysis of the loan’s maturity on four categories: characteristics of the project, political risk of the country where the project is executed, the macro-economic setting and the regulatory framework. By using a new data set of InfraDeals containing data on bank loans of more than 1,800 infrastructure projects worldwide from 1997 to 2016, this paper reveals new insights on the debt structuring of banks for PF loans.

The results indicate that the maturity of bank loans granted to infrastructure deals is predominantly driven by political risk and regulation, rather than the structuring of the project. This implicates that the region where the deal is closed weighs more heavily than the specificities of the project itself.

The results have important policy implications. The paper allows to develop a better understanding on how political risk and new regulation, like Basel III, might affect the PF market. The paper is the first one finding empirical evidence of the impact of Basel III regulation on PF lending. By delving deeper into the political risk variable, the authors formulate several recommendations to mitigate political risk.

The recent crisis in the ERM has meant EMU can no longer proceed along the lines proposed in the Maastricht Treaty. Proposes that a two or even multi‐speed EMU should emerge from the crisis. This would be based on a “hardcore” which would form the basis for exchange rate/macro policy management for “softer” countries.

The purpose of this paper is to articulate the mandate of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) not least in promoting a sound legal regulatory environment for markets to operate globally and its inherent challenges. While acknowledging the plausible work done by the IMF in supporting countries to achieve their macro-economic stability, the paper articulates some of its shortcomings as a global institution. It is evident that the post-war climate in which the World Bank and IMF were created has drastically changed – which presupposes that these institutions now need to reposition themselves to reflect on contemporary global challenges accordingly. The author has argued in the past that a robust regulatory system should be devised taking into account the dynamic challenges in the market environment but also to prevent them from happening again.

The paper has utilized empirical evidence to evaluate the mandate of the IMF in addressing its dynamic challenges such as the global financial and debt crises in Europe and the USA and prevention of financial sector abuse globally. The IMF is one of the Bretton Woods Institutions charged with the oversight responsibility to enforce policies and enable countries to manage their macro-economic challenges efficiently.

The findings demonstrate that the IMF is as relevant and important as it was when it was created in 1945. However, there is a need for intrinsic and structural changes within this institution to continue discharging its mandate in a changed global regulatory landscape. The IMF is still crucial in fostering a fundamental stabilization function to fragile global economies in areas of financial and technical assistance, and developing requisite legal and supervisory infrastructure within fledging member countries.

The paper was written by analysis of both theoretical and empirical data largely based on secondary data sources. It would have been better to first present the findings in an international conference to solicit wide views and internalize them accordingly.

While acknowledging the plausible work done by the IMF and its counterpart the World Bank in facilitating global financial markets regulation and prevention of financial sector abuse, as oversight institutions, they need to constantly review their mandate to respond robustly to their dynamic challenges such as the global and debt crises and financial sector abuse. Oversight institutions need to constantly review and adapt their mandate accordingly, if they are to discharge their varied responsibilities efficiently. They cannot stand still in the face of challenges because they will be superseded and kept at a back foot.

Markets and states are embedded in each other, and the way they are regulated is of a significant importance to varied stakeholders and people.

This paper is one of its kind, is unique in its character and evaluates embedded issues using empirical evidence in a way not done in its context before. Secondary data sources have been evaluated to achieve a thoughtful analysis of the objectives of the paper.

For more than four decades, persistent economic activities and a focused growth strategy resulted in significant infrastructural and other favorable economic and institutional changes in the world's developing nations. High-quality growth is not just a function of sound economic policies but also implementing a broad range of social policies. The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) nations have proven their testimony on both these factors. Following their path are some other emerging economies like N-11 (or Next Eleven propounded by Goldman Sachs (2005) Report), which this present study tries to examine as successors of BRICS.

Along with panel data regression modelling, the study has applied econometric procedures robust to heterogeneities across various nations and have been able to produce more reliable results that can be generalized for other similar groups of countries. 11 independent variables (both economic and institutional) have been used to meet the study's objective for a period of 34 years (1985–2018).

The findings of the study reveal that the governments of both the group of countries must work toward their macro-economic stability factors (external debt stocks), technological capabilities (mobile and fixed broadband subscriptions), human capital (health expenditure) and political conditions (mainly the rule of law) to enhance their sustainable economic growth.

This study enhances knowledge of the determinants of economic growth in emerging countries. Firms from BRICS and N-11 may better understand the factors influencing their internationalization process (both economic and institutional). The study is significant not just for the researchers but also for the policymakers of the BRICS and N-11 to understand in which areas their country is leading or lagging. The study is useful even for the policymakers of other emerging countries of the world who might take lessons from these nations (especially BRICS) and follow their success path. This study helps the governments of other groups of emerging countries such as PIN (Pakistan, Indonesia and Nigeria); MINT (Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey); CIVETS (Colombia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, Turkey and South Africa), etc. which can follow the path of BRICS economies in growth and formulate policies to increase their economic growth accordingly. At the enterprise level, it helps MNCs understand BRICS and N-11 markets and formulating entry and growth strategies in these most emerging countries of the world.

The present study is unique. It tries to investigate the projections of the Goldman Sachs report after 15 years of its release. It tries to determine the factors responsible for the economic development in the N-11 countries with advanced econometric techniques. Majorly, the focus is to comparatively analyze the growth trajectory for BRICS and N-11 nations and suggest whether N-11 has the potential to become successors of BRICS. A concentrated effort to examine the most significant drivers (both economic and institutional), which may lead to economic progression, has been made in this study.

The term success in this paper is measured by the yardstick of both material and non‐material ones. This study attempts to examine the success story behind Malaysia's development with evidences drawn from both the conventionally used criteria together with the Islamically motivated universal values and ethos. Of the conventional factors, political consolidation of the first Prime Minister in the presence of dynamic enterprising ability of the Chinese as well as South Indian Community based on family values played a pivotal role in creating a foundation for development. The majority Malays, on the other hand, being the victim of colonial legacies and multi‐farious historical phenomenon were by‐passed. Subsequently, the big bargain of 1957, the year of independence by way of securing Malay special rights in the constitution laid the foundation for new strategy of development based on distributive justice. The New Economic Policy with the twin objetives of eradicating poverty and restructuring society could not have been implemented in the absence of universal values such as loyalty, tolerance, sympathy, caring and sharing being demonstrated by all the races regardless of socio‐economic and political superiority. This paper thus argues that from the very beginning the committed and pragmatic leadership, policy continuation, policy dynamism and policy flexibility, among many others, acted as a catalyst for the success story behind Malaysia's development.

The Group of 20 (G20) is tasked with responding to economic shocks in the global financial system, with COVID-19 having proved to be the most significant shock since the G20's inception. COVID-19 also represents the first economic crisis accompanied by a concerted attempt to “build back better”, principally through a climate-compatible recovery. In 2021, there is little clarity as to the G20's response to this challenge, primarily due to considerable divergence in the green stimulus practices of its member states. The paper aims to investigate whether the G20, climate change and COVID-19 are critical juncture or critical wound.

Historical institutionalism (HI) suggests that one can explain an institution's future response by reference to its developmental pathway to date. This contribution adopts its concept of “critical junctures” to shed light on the G20's possible institutional response to COVID-19. The contribution undertakes a comparative analysis of the global financial crisis (GFC) and COVID-19 as possible critical junctures for the G20.

In doing so, the work demonstrates that the G20 “building back better” from COVID-19 requires a shift away from its institutional orthodoxy to a much larger degree than its response to the GFC. Accordingly, whilst both the GFC and COVID-19 may be considered critical junctures for the G20, only COVID-19 has the potential to be a “critical wound” that leads to institutional redundancy.

Through interrogating this further, this exposition prospectively outlines two possible futures the G20 faces as a consequence of COVID-19: reform or redundancy. In this way, it offers an ex ante perspective on policy-reform options for the G20's ongoing response to COVID-19.

Whichever choice the G20 makes in its response to COVID-19 has profound consequences for global governance in an increasingly unpredictable world.

Herein lies the importance of an exploratory assessment of COVID-19 as a critical juncture or a critical wound for the G20.

The purpose of this paper is to reflect on how best to design, implement and assess accounting reforms in Africa.

A cross-disciplinary literature review.

Whilst neopatrimonialism inhibits optimal development, some forms do not block it. Such governance often permeates African politics and reforms directed at its elimination may fail due to a lack of political will. Thus accounting reforms should recognize their political feasibility and be directed at areas congruent with strengthening attributes of a developmental state.

There is a need to evaluate accounting reforms with respect to the level of a country’s development, relate them to its political governance, and evaluate them with respect to incremental rather than absolute achievement of their aims.

Rather than relying on imported “best practice” accounting standards and systems, there is a need for greater indigenous involvement to create systems that meet local needs and circumstances to increase indigenous accounting capacity and will to reform.

Whilst the push to good governance is a desirable ideal, reforms need to be pragmatic with respect to feasibility.

The paper relates recent work on development to accounting reform in Africa which has been neglected by accounting scholars and practitioners.

Examines the main problems plaguing Central and East European nations. Offers an explanation of why orthodox Western policies embodied in the “shock” approach will not be effective for resolving the region′s problems. Suggests an alternative perspective and type of economic policy for alleviating economic and social problems throughout Central and East Europe, namely that of the negotiated economy. Explains why such an economy would be more efficacious for Central and East European nations than orthodox policies have proved thus far.