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The libraries of British industrial firms are traced from their beginnings in the chemical industry in the last thirty years of the nineteenth century till 1939, by which date they had spread to many branches of industry and had been recognized as an important part of the industrial and library worlds, thus establishing standard patterns of work. The origins and significance of Aslib are discussed.

I RECEIVED a most unusual publication through the post the other day which may not strictly come within the scope of this column, since it won't answer any particular problem except that of where to go for your holidays. It's called The North: a feminist local history and holiday guide by Susan Evasdaughter and is one of a series of similar booklets that includes London, Home Counties, West Country, Wales, and Central England. The books are not intended to be comprehensive holiday guides listing the best places to stay, the most interesting walks etc, but rather set out by area some of the most important things of specific interest to women. Information ranges from ‘pre‐historic matriarchal times’ to present day feminist activities. There is information on women castle builders, famous lesbians, local women heroes, artists, queens and witches, suffragettes, politicians, discoverers etc. Where possible information is given about places for women to stay although there aren't many specifically for women. The quality of printing is fairly basic; I expect the booklets were produced on a shoestring, so don't expect tourist board glossies. However, a lot of work has obviously gone into them, each has a name index, and they would be useful additions not only for local studies collections but also for any libraries who have a community information section on women's studies. The booklets cost £1.00 from 47 Ladysmith Avenue, Newbury Park, Ilford, Essex.

Love of the past is one of the key features of the British character. Tourists who flock to our shores see it in our carefully‐preserved archaeological sites, ancient monuments, churches, castles, palaces and timbered buildings. During their visit they may even learn from the guides that tradition is so important to us that its continuance may acquire legal force. If an individual can prove that he and his predecessors have enjoyed a privilege for a certain length of time he may be granted leave to enjoy it in perpetuity, as, for example, by our laws of ancient lights and right of way. In spite of evidence of this kind foreigners usually still fail to understand how fundamental tradition is to our nature and how much we respect our long‐standing institutions. Thus, in order properly to understand the present state of the information industry in Great Britain it will be necessary to examine its historical growth. As with most British institutions it owes much to the circumstances of its development.

While I agree with the broad theme of Jane Little's article in June NLW that there are not enough women in senior library posts, I feel that at least some of her points must be challenged.

In the first decades of the nineteenth century to the first decade of the twentieth century, the US Federal and Supreme Courts heard several cases on the legal status of ships. During this period, Chief Justice John Marshall and Justice Joseph Story determined that a ship was a legal person that was capable to contract and could be punished for wrongdoing. Over the nineteenth century, Marshall and Story also heard appeals on the illegal slave trade and on the status of fugitive slaves crossing state lines, cases that raised questions as to whether enslaved peoples were persons or property. Although Marshall and Story did not discuss the ship and the slave together, in this chapter, the author asks what might be gained in doing so. Specifically, what might a reading of the ship and the slave as juridical figures reveal about the history of legal personhood? The genealogy of positive and negative legal personhood that the author begins to trace here draws inspiration and guidance from scholars writing critically of slavery. In different ways, this literature emphasises the significance of maritime worlds to conceptions of racial terror, freedom, and fugitivity. Building on these insights, the author reads the ship and the slave as central characters in the history of legal personhood, a reading that highlights the interconnections between maritime law and the laws of slavery and foregrounds the changing intensities of Anglo imperial power and racial and colonial violence in shaping the legal person.

In the years following the publication of A Theory of Consumption (1923), Hazel Kyrk’s book became the flagship of the field that would later be known as the economics of consumption. It stimulated theoretical and empirical work on consumption. Some of the existing literature on Kyrk (e.g., Kiss & Beller, 2000; Le Tollec, 2020; Tadajewski, 2013) depicted her theory as the starting point of the economics of consumption. Nevertheless, how and why it emerged the way it did remain largely unexplored. This chapter examines Kyrk’s intellectual background, which, we argue, can be traced back to two main movements in the United States: the home economics and the institutionalist. Both movements conveyed specific endeavors as responses to the US material and social transformations that occurred at the turn of the 20th century, notably the perceived changing role of consumption and that of women in US society. On the one hand, Kyrk pursued first-generation home economists’ efforts to make sense of and put into action the shifting of women’s role from domestic producer to consumer. On the other hand, she reinterpreted Veblen’s (1899) account of consumption in order to reveal its operational value for a normative agenda focused on “wise” and “rational” consumption. This chapter studies how Kyrk carried on first-generation home economists’ progressive agenda and how she adapted Veblen’s fin-de-siècle critical account of consumption to the context of the household goods developed in 1900–1920. Our account of Kyrk’s intellectual roots offers a novel narrative to better understand the role of gender and epistemological questions in her theory.

This research provides accounting-ethics authors and administrators with a benchmark for accounting-ethics research. While Bernardi and Bean (2010) considered publications in business-ethics and accounting’s top-40 journals this study considers research in eight accounting-ethics and public-interest journals, as well as, 34 business-ethics journals. We analyzed the contents of our 42 journals for the 25-year period between 1991 through 2015. This research documents the continued growth (Bernardi & Bean, 2007) of accounting-ethics research in both accounting-ethics and business-ethics journals. We provide data on the top-10 ethics authors in each doctoral year group, the top-50 ethics authors over the most recent 10, 20, and 25 years, and a distribution among ethics scholars for these periods. For the 25-year timeframe, our data indicate that only 665 (274) of the 5,125 accounting PhDs/DBAs (13.0% and 5.4% respectively) in Canada and the United States had authored or co-authored one (more than one) ethics article.

The equation of unified knowledge says that S = f (A,P) which means that the practical solution to a given problem is a function of the existing, empirical, actual realities and the future, potential, best possible conditions of general stable equilibrium which both pure and practical reason, exhaustive in the Kantian sense, show as being within the realm of potential realities beyond any doubt. The first classical revolution in economic thinking, included in factor “P” of the equation, conceived the economic and financial problems in terms of a model of ideal conditions of stable equilibrium but neglected the full consideration of the existing, actual conditions. That is the main reason why, in the end, it failed. The second modern revolution, included in factor “A” of the equation, conceived the economic and financial problems in terms of the existing, actual conditions, usually in disequilibrium or unstable equilibrium (in case of stagnation) and neglected the sense of right direction expressed in factor “P” or the realization of general, stable equilibrium. That is the main reason why the modern revolution failed in the past and is failing in front of our eyes in the present. The equation of unified knowledge, perceived as a sui generis synthesis between classical and modern thinking has been applied rigorously and systematically in writing the enclosed American‐British economic, monetary, financial and social stabilization plans. In the final analysis, a new economic philosophy, based on a synthesis between classical and modern thinking, called here the new economics of unified knowledge, is applied to solve the malaise of the twentieth century which resulted from a confusion between thinking in terms of stable equilibrium on the one hand and disequilibrium or unstable equilibrium on the other.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse Charles Anthony Raven Crosland and Thomas Humphrey Marshall’s respective theories of equalisation and civic duty, and assesses the ethical criticisms made against these theories. Many of the ethical criticisms levelled against Crosland and Marshall argue that their theories focused exclusively on equalisation and social rights. In taking a morally neutral position, they neglected the duties that should be performed by citizens. This paper assesses the force of these ethical criticisms.

The paper begins by identifying the cardinal points of Crosland and Marshall’s theories of equalisation and the duties that should be performed by citizens. The author ask whether it is reasonable to conclude that they took morally neutral positions and neglected these duties. The author then explore and assess the critique levied against Crosland and Marshall.

Crosland took a passive stance on the intervention of the government in civic morality and did not develop a discussion of the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Thus, in some respects, he cannot avoid the ethical criticism that he took a morally neutral position and neglected civic duty. Marshall did not discuss only equalisation and social rights, but also considered the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Consequently, it is concluded that the ethical criticism of his theory is not valid.

The paper makes an original contribution in the understanding of three areas: Crosland’s moral neutrality, Marshall’s discussion on civic duty, and the ethical criticism of Keynesian social democracy.